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Political in sentence

22739 examples of Political in a sentence

People seeking the country’s highest office should know how to balance the political imperative of winning votes with a sense of responsibility for the feasibility of – and reasoning behind – their policy promises.
But while these traits are clearly problematic, they obviously have not hurt Trump’s political career.
In American society and political culture, the oath has a rare status.
Political and market pressure would be enough, if print, television, and social media simply refused to carry campaign advertisements from candidates who refused to take the oath.
The political advantage should not go to the most mendacious candidate.
The same syndrome – in which the rich have gained control of the political system (or strengthened their control of it) – now afflicts many other countries.
The new FTT might still face political opposition in Europe, especially in the United Kingdom, with its large and influential banking sector, but at least the principle of greater tax fairness is high on the European agenda.
True, Yasser Arafat was not a model democrat, but his charisma and political acumen were crucial for holding all the Palestinian factions together.
Tragically, all this is not only about human victims, but also about the Palestinians’ political horizon.
Yet, engaged in a war driven by fury and vengeance, the Israelis are now focused again on a manhunt for gang chieftains, targeted killings of Hamas squads, and the arrest of its political leaders, not on peace overtures.
Overwhelmingly reelected as Mayor of Bordeaux, Juppé, a former prime minister under Jacques Chirac (and once Sarkozy’s foreign minister), has reemerged as the most popular political figure in France, with sympathizers on the left and in the center.
If it does, France’s political cacophony will become a problem for Europe as well.
Health care is not the only area where political decisions are matters of life and death.
Similarly, albeit less dramatically, if France’s two main political parties had not collapsed, the 39-year-old Macron, who was unknown to most French voters a year ago, would still be just another economic whiz kid.
The Socialists, for their part, could not come up with a modern political agenda.
In France’s semi-presidential system, cohabitation means that the executive branch can become paralyzed if the president and the prime minister represent different political factions.
But Macron wants to prove that he can implement the majority-coalition model followed in parliamentary systems, with an “alliance of the willing,” comprising different but compatible political sensitivities, pursuing a common goal.
To my mind, France is ripe for a coalition government that can transcend increasingly anachronistic left-right political lines.
The real political divide in France, as in so much of the West, is now between those who defend global openness and those who favor a return to nationalist isolation.
Restoring these voters’ confidence in existing institutions, and reintegrating them into the political mainstream, will not be easy.
Recognizing mounting popular opposition to unequivocal support for Israel in the West, Israel has been looking elsewhere for economic, and ultimately political, partners.
On the contrary, they reflect a changing global political agenda that has relegated the question to a lower tier of importance, which is likely to weaken Israel’s incentive to rethink its suppression of Palestine.
Piketty’s emphasis on the political nature of the distribution of income; his subtle back-and-forth between the general laws of capitalism and the role played by contingency; and his willingness to offer bold (if, to many, impractical) remedies to save capitalism from itself are as refreshing as they are rare for an economist.
How to Waste a CrisisThe global financial crisis is reaching a bottom, and yet political frustration is growing, because the low point of the collapse seems to offer a last opportunity to promote dramatic change, and that opportunity may be missed.
The political passions aroused by the clashes of interpretation often make the crisis seemingly insoluble.
No institutional solution is purely neutral in its effects on relative incomes – and it is relative income and wealth around which political debate typically revolves.
But the contrast between bank profitability and the woes of everyone else turns up the political heat on the central banks, which have to explain why it is only their “friends,” the banks, who are standing under the helicopter when it drops money.
The search for technical solutions leads to political polarization, and may produce stalemate.
For example, the political scientist Graham Allison has argued that in 12 of 16 cases since 1500 when an established power has confronted a rising power, the result has been a major war.
The Iraqi regime, President Bush tells us, has engaged in torture and extra-judicial killing and keeps the Iraqi people from enjoying basic civic and political freedoms.
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