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Pensions in sentence

439 examples of Pensions in a sentence

The PiS government’s decision to cut the pensions of communist-era civil servants has resurrected the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD), which now enjoys around 7-10% support.
In practice, the state’s reach often went beyond this conception (as, say, in the case of Bismarck’s introduction of old-age pensions in Germany in 1889).
Working life needs to be lengthened, public pensions are often too generous, labor markets too rigid.
To compare, in the United States, real estate, insurance, and pensions each account for about 20% of total savings, with 7.4% in deposits, 21% in stocks, and 33% in bonds.
Indeed, the plan all but guarantees a social as well as an economic catastrophe, owing to substantial cuts in pensions, education, and health spending.
Nowadays, low salaries make many lives here miserable, pensions are a joke, and the shadow economy is vast.
Yet all parties are pursuing a disastrous “extend-and-pretend” strategy with a narrow focus on fiscal issues and pensions.
Realism is needed on pensions, too.
It is likely to work because the Greek government finds it increasingly difficult to scrape together enough money to pay wages and pensions at the end of each month.
The Tsipras-Varoufakis strategy assumed that Greece could credibly threaten to default, because the government, if forced to follow through, would still have more than enough money to pay for wages, pensions, and public services.
If Greece had defaulted in January, this primary surplus could (in theory) have been redirected from interest payments to finance the higher wages, pensions, and public spending that Syriza had promised in its election campaign.
With the primary surplus gone, a default would no longer permit Tsipras to fulfill Syriza’s campaign promises; on the contrary, it would imply even bigger cutbacks in wages, pensions, and public spending than the “troika” – the European Commission, the European Central Bank, and the IMF – is now demanding.
Instead, the EU can now rely on the Greek government itself to punish its people by failing to pay wages and pensions and honor bank guarantees.
Even if the Greek government decides to pay wages and pensions by printing its own IOUs or “new drachmas,” the European Court of Justice will rule that all domestic debts and bank deposits must be repaid in euros.
The generous retirement pensions, unemployment compensation, health coverage, and all kinds of social programs that make Western Europe a comfortable place to live were established when Europe’s economy and population were growing fast.
The impulse to put things off for a later day is understandable, given current economic and political troubles; but when it comes to public pensions, procrastination comes at a high cost – even more so than in the case of global warming.
Now, the effective retirement age in France is just below 60 (the official retirement age is 65, but in practice public pensions can be drawn much sooner), even though male life expectancy is nearly 83.
It is no wonder that France spends the equivalent of nearly 14% of its GDP annually on public pensions.
In all, 13 OECD countries – including Japan, Germany, Poland, and Greece – devote the equivalent of 10% or more of their GDP to public pensions every year.
Now, Italians who retire on average at 61-62 can expect to receive their pensions for several decades, and in some cases, for almost as many years as they worked.
It does not, and this is what economists call the “lump of labor fallacy” – the idea that handing out pensions frees up employment for younger people, as if there were a fixed number of jobs to go around.
In effect, the Tea Party is working hard to reduce publicly funded social benefits – including pensions and Medicare – even as its methods dramatically reduce the value of private wealth now and in the future.
While growth is not an end in itself, it enables the achievement of a broad set of societal goals, including the creation of economic and employment opportunities for millions of vulnerable and poor people and the provision of social goods like education, health care, and pensions.
Similarly, while public financing of pensions and welfare programs is dependent on taxing labor, much of the region currently suffers from high rates of unemployment; in the Western Balkans, there are nearly no jobs, or none at all.
Germany’s formula for the euro crisis has been to insist on fiscal belt-tightening and structural reforms to reduce future public spending on pensions and wages, make labor markets more flexible, and boost productivity, all in return for emergency loans.
And that’s before the coming deluge from generous public employee pensions and health costs.
The AFL-CIO, the United Auto Workers and the United Steel Workers then petitioned Congress – against strong opposition from business interests – to establish the Pension Benefit Guaranty Corporation in 1974 to insure private pensions against companies’ failure to honor them.
Gradually, many countries, with prodding from their trade unions, now have some form of benefit protection plan for private pensions.
Declining stock markets and low interest rates, have left private pensions around the world more vulnerable than was expected.
This means that unions should not leave the complex financial problems of designing pensions entirely to governments.
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