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Palestinian in sentence

1687 examples of Palestinian in a sentence

As in Egypt, Morocco, and Tunisia, Islamist moderates in the Palestinian territories need to be engaged as a legitimate political force.
That means supporting the ongoing effort to form an interim Palestinian government of technocrats, as stipulated in the Qatar agreement.
The problem is that they have been talking to each other now for 17 years, under different Israeli and Palestinian leaders, and under two US Presidents.
A stop to settlement activities in Palestinian territories is a reasonable demand, and the Palestinians could naturally insist on it in the negotiations.
On the Palestinian side, Mahmoud Abbas’s Palestinian Authority lost control in 2006 of the Gaza Strip – now ruled by an illegitimate Hamas-led government – and thus cannot speak anymore for all Palestinians.
Moreover, before Israeli-Palestinian talks broke down two years ago, the previous Israeli government, under Prime Minister Ehud Olmert and Foreign Minister Tzipi Livni, negotiated for two years with the Palestinian Authority.
This was the most moderate Israeli government conceivable, and the same can be said about the Fatah movement controlling the Palestinian Authority.
Even the most moderate leaders on both sides could not agree on the core issues of the conflict: borders, settlements, Jerusalem, and the fate of 1947-1948 Palestinian refugees and their descendants.
Trump’s foreign-policy meddling reached its apex – at least so far – in late December, when he tried to interfere with President Barack Obama’s administration’s decision to abstain from voting on a United Nations Security Council resolution condemning Israel for continuing to build settlements in occupied Palestinian territories.
Palestinian officials were at first suspicious of the initiative.
When it became clear that the French effort was in earnest, and a date was announced for preparatory talks on May 30, the clear timelines encouraged Palestinian officials to sign up to the process.
Even if Israeli and Palestinian leaders can be persuaded to sign some kind of deal, it will not stand the test of time unless it is generally regarded as fair.
Moreover, it is impossible for the negotiations to be seen as fair if Israel maintains its brutal occupation and continues to build settlements on Palestinian lands.
The average Palestinian – and Israeli, too – needs to believe that peace is possible.
But the possibility of attack was of course anticipated, and military planners determined that the only possible response was to counterattack as heavily and for as long as might be needed, until Palestinian attacks would stop, whether from exhaustion or agreement.
For almost six years, there has been no significant US diplomatic initiative to resolve the Palestinian question or to pursue the Syrian track (Israel still occupies the Golan Heights).
The EU should decisively back the end of the embargo on Palestine and the urgent creation of a Palestinian state.
In Israel, hawks attack Justice Minister Tzipi Livni for leaning slightly to the left on Palestinian statehood – just as they would attack a man in her position.
Elections in the absence of constitutional and cultural constraints can produce violence, as in Bosnia or the Palestinian Authority.
Rebuilding it will provide as challenging - and urgent - a task as the reconstruction of Palestinian political institutions now supposedly underway.
Net incomes from abroad amounted to more than 22% of Palestinian GDP, making it one of the world economies most dependent on remittances.
The blood-soaked politics that have prevailed since September 2000 exposed the extreme vulnerability of this development strategy, making urgent the need to rethink the economic foundations of the Palestinian territories.
Do viable alternative development strategies for the Palestinian economy exist?
Of course, the Palestinian economy's dismal performance is not solely the result of the sharp reduction in the number of Palestinians working in Israel.
The comprehensive curfews imposed on almost all large Palestinian towns in recent months effectively confine people to their homes, thus bringing the economy to a virtual standstill.
Moreover, trucks carrying goods between Palestinian towns and villages now must unload and reload their cargo before entering each town so as to allow the Israeli military to inspect the shipment.
Emphasizing exports may in itself enhance the Palestinian economy's growth potential by increasing incentives to innovate, invest, and reduce inefficiencies.
We recently evaluated a Palestinian development strategy based on exports of goods against a continued reliance on exporting labor.
Comparing the outcomes of these two simulations suggests that large export flows of Palestinian labor to Israel reduce the capacity of the Palestinian economy to export goods by putting upward pressure on wages, undermining competitiveness.
These simulations also suggested that continued reliance on the export of labor results in a lower growth potential for the Palestinian economy than does a development strategy based on exporting goods.
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