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Palestinian in sentence

1687 examples of Palestinian in a sentence

Moreover, since Hamas’s rise to power, Fatah’s challenge to the new Palestinian rulers was enhanced by lavish financial support it secured from the United States and Europe, and by a generous supply of weapons from both the US and Arab countries.
The rocket attacks against Israeli territory are a transparent attempt to divert attention and rally the masses around Hamas as the true champions of the Palestinian cause.
Today, when America finally understands how vital an Israeli-Palestinian peace is for its fortunes in the broader Middle East, and the Arab world is for the first time committed to pursuing a comprehensive settlement with Israel, anarchic Palestinian politics is making a decision for peace well nigh impossible.
Israel UnboundTEL AVIV – Israel’s persistent occupation of Palestinian lands is irreparably damaging its international standing – or so the conventional wisdom goes.
No wonder Nabil Shaath, a former Palestinian foreign minister, complained to the Israeli newspaper Haaretz in January about Greece’s “betrayal of Palestine.”
As for the Palestinian question, Israel’s new alliances surely will not help advance a resolution.
I was visiting Israel as Australia’s foreign minister to argue the case for rapid implementation of the Oslo peace accords – all the way through to negotiated acceptance of Palestinian statehood.
For all his deep emotional attachment to the idea of Israel embracing all of historical Judea and Samaria, Rabin knew that the only way to ensure a democratic Jewish state with viable, secure borders was to accept a Palestinian state alongside it, equally secure and viable.
They would share Jerusalem as a capital, and find a mutually acceptable solution to the enormously sensitive issue of the return of Palestinian refugees.
Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas and his colleagues know perfectly well that UN recognition by itself will not deliver an end to occupation and the full realization of a sovereign Palestine.
But they have persisted on this course in the face of a fierce campaign to dissuade them – including threats of Israeli sanctions and a cut-off of financial support to the Palestinian Authority by the US Congress – owing to their wholly understandable lack of confidence that anything will move without some new spark.
Of course, its current ideological hostility to Israel’s very existence is a serious issue; but Israel and the West should not compound their grievous mistake of not recognizing the legitimacy of its electoral victory in Gaza by rejecting any Palestinian state in which Hamas plays a governing role.
The more positive argument – as Rabin would certainly have understood – is that it is overwhelmingly in Israel’s own interest to defuse this issue by accepting, once and for all, that Palestinian statehood is an indispensable requirement of its own long-term peace and security.
And that is exactly where the US, Israel, and its closest friends – including my own country, Australia – will be if they resist the tide of international sentiment in favor of moving now to recognize Palestinian statehood.
The Limits of DemocracyThe election of the militant and hitherto extra-parliamentary group Hamas in the Palestinian territories reminds us of what democracy cannot achieve.
For the Palestinian territories, this means that people’s expectations of the elections were probably too high.
Its inability to end the 44-year military occupation of Palestinian lands has not gone unnoticed.
Iran has sought to maintain its influence in the Levant (including in Lebanon and among some Palestinian groups) by providing material support to Assad.
Further negotiations were to decide the final status of the Palestinian Authority (ie, whether Palestine is to be an independent state), the border issue, the future of Jewish settlements, whether refugees could return to their homes, and the final status of Jerusalem, which both sides claim as their capital but which Israel controls in its entirety.
According to a series of agreements signed over the years within this framework, a Palestinian Authority, with Yassar Arafat as its head, was established.
Arafat returned from exile in Tunis to Gaza, and Israel turned over to the Palestinian Authority most of Gaza and most of the towns in the West Bank.
Today, although the Palestinian Authority controls less than 30% of the West Bank and Gaza, over 80% of Palestinians in these territories live under Palestinian rule, free from Israeli military occupation.
A Palestinian legislature and cabinet have opened, as well as Palestinian police and security services.
The economy in areas under Palestinian control is administered by the Palestinian Authority, as are education and other internal matters.
Should they stay, be partly evacuated, or be put partly under Palestinian rule?
Prime Minister Barak appears ready to accept an independent Palestinian state - something no Israeli leader has, until now, been willing to do.
He has made clear that perhaps 30,000 settlers, may be evacuated to Israel proper or could remain in their homes under Palestinian rule.
Few Israelis expect Palestinian Prime Minister Mahmud Abbas to deliver security to Israel, or to implement far reaching political and financial reforms.
Few Palestinians expect Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon to deliver what they want: a freeze on the construction and expansion of settlements, and the eventual creation of a truly sovereign Palestinian state on contiguous territory.
In a survey of Israeli and Palestinian opinion of the roadmap, Yaakov Shamir of Hebrew University and I found that only 15% of Palestinians agreed that Sharon would stand by Israel's commitments, while only 30% of Israelis believed that Abu Mazen would hold up the Palestinian end of the agreement.
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