Palestinian
in sentence
1687 examples of Palestinian in a sentence
Supporting
Palestinian
democratization does not mean that the international community should not demand that Hamas abandon terror for once and for all, demilitarize, respect the
Palestinian
constitution, and accept the existence of the state of Israel.
But it also does not mean supporting sanctions that would hurt the
Palestinian
people after they have expressed their will democratically.
A lot of water had to pass under the bridge before the idea of a two-state solution, whether as a moral or a practical matter, began to filter into the Israeli and
Palestinian
political and ideological environments.
We are all aware that the road toward the realization of this dream is full of obstacles and difficulties, both on the Israeli and the
Palestinian
side.
Netanyahu’s demand that the future
Palestinian
state be demilitarized is just, reasonable, and necessary.
Similarly, the refusal of
Palestinian
refugees’ claim to a right of return to Israel proper is understandable, logical, and just.
These refugees could much more properly establish themselves in the new state of Palestine, their mother country, among their compatriots, under a
Palestinian
flag and
Palestinian
authority, merely 30 kilometers from the homes and farms that they abandoned, or from which they were expelled, more than 60 years ago.
On our part, we also will be recognizing not so much the
Palestinian
people, which one day may merge with the people of Jordan, as an independent and sovereign
Palestinian
state within the 1967 borders.
Second, the Palestinians’ refusal to recognize Israel as a Jewish state is motivated by, among other things, the presence of a
Palestinian
minority in Israel.
There will be enough problems in negotiating the creation of a
Palestinian
state, so we should avoid adding other, gratuitous obstacles.
The elements of an eventual settlement have been known for years: the creation of a viable
Palestinian
state – a goal endorsed by the last two US presidents – together with secure borders for Israel, some arrangement on Jerusalem, and an economic package.
It is too early to assess the historical effect of the Arab Spring, but if there is one conclusion that can be drawn today, it is that Israel and its
Palestinian
neighbors had little to do with it.
For Americans (and others) who believe that the Arab world thinks about nothing but the
Palestinian
cause, events this spring in North Africa, the Arabian Peninsula, and even the Levant should have convinced them otherwise.
The narrative of the
Palestinian
tragedy is certainly no less central in defining his view of the Middle East.
For Obama’s emerging policy assumes that the best way to address the challenge of Islamic terrorism and stop the region’s decline into uncontrolled nuclear proliferation is to force Israel to stop building new settlements, withdraw from the occupied territories in order to allow the creation of a
Palestinian
state with East Jerusalem as its capital, and make peace with Syria by giving back the Golan Heights.
In Netanyahu’s view, solving the
Palestinian
problem would not remove the Iranian challenge; rather, it is the neutralization of that existential threat that would pave the way to the creation of a
Palestinian
state.
More importantly, the
Palestinian
leadership must reshape and reunite its polity to face the challenge of statehood.
Among the few who have been courageous enough to speak out are
Palestinian
journalists living under Israeli occupation.
More than 150 independent
Palestinian
journalists have signed an Avaaz petition stating that his murder sets “a dangerous precedent that threatens the lives of journalists, their right to free expression, the freedom of journalistic work, and the right of the public to know.”
And during his second term, his secretary of state, John Kerry, led a heroic nine-month effort – involving almost a hundred bilateral meetings with Israeli and
Palestinian
leaders – that simply petered out.
Moreover, Abbas’s authority is slipping, and there is no mandate for a
Palestinian
leader to pursue serious peace efforts in today’s political climate.
Indeed, Resolution 242 doesn’t even mention the Palestinians or a future
Palestinian
state.
Unity is Not EnoughThe reconciliation between the leaders of the two major
Palestinian
groups, Hamas and Fatah, that has just been negotiated in Saudi Arabia is being hailed as a major political breakthrough.
At home, the new government needs to pay its civil servants, restore law and order, and end the chaos that has become the norm in the
Palestinian
territories.
The internal fighting in Palestine began in part as a result of the political impasse caused after Israel and the international community imposed an economic embargo on the
Palestinian
Authority.
Palestinians complained that the international community acted unjustly, simply because they were unhappy with the result of a free and fair election in the
Palestinian
territories, which Hamas won overwhelmingly.
The government created after the January 2006 elections has been unable to pay civil servants because of the international banking blockade and the refusal of Israel to transfer millions of tax dollars collected on behalf of the
Palestinian
people.
One of the first challenges for the new government will be to convince the international community that it respects previous
Palestinian
agreements.
By announcing the acceptance of previous agreements and supporting the Arab peace initiative, the new government should be able to bring economic normalcy to the cash-strapped
Palestinian
Authority.
The ceasefire understanding between
Palestinian
factions and Israel will need to be honored through the commitment of both sides and a parallel political process.
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