Palestinian
in sentence
1687 examples of Palestinian in a sentence
Its inner structure is little known to outsiders, but, according to some reports, it has a military wing, largely directed from Damascus and beholden to its Syrian and Iranian sponsors, and a political wing that is more responsive to the needs of the
Palestinian
population that elected it.
Military escalation – not just an eye for an eye but roughly ten
Palestinian
lives for every Israeli one – has reached its limit.
Both Israel and the United States seem to be frozen in their unwillingness to negotiate with a
Palestinian
Authority that includes Hamas.
Merely demonstrating military superiority is not sufficient as a policy for dealing with the
Palestinian
problem.
During the recent Arab Summit in Beirut, the young President capitalized on the absence of the Egyptian, Libyan and
Palestinian
leaders (among others) to strike a positive chord with audiences in Syria and across the Arab world.
Once again, the
Palestinian
cause became a substitute for focused attention on Syria's domestic situation, offering Syrian intellectuals and professionals a politically safe way to vent their frustrations.
Since the recent escalation of violence that began last month, at least 33
Palestinian
boys and girls have been killed and many more injured or maimed – caught in the crossfire, shot in their living rooms, or struck by explosions in their own backyards.
And UNICEF-supported counseling teams are spread across the area, helping
Palestinian
parents and children cope with the burden of stress.
Palestinian
and Israeli children deserve to grow up in peace.
We know also that this claim fluctuates in proportion to the amount of international pressure to stop settlement construction and end the occupation of
Palestinian
lands.
Indeed, roughly a half-million Israeli settlers in the occupied territories (including East Jerusalem) make the creation of a contiguous
Palestinian
state an almost impossible mission.
Meanwhile, his housing minister, Uri Ariel (himself a settler and a member of the annexationist Jewish Home party), unleashes a new wave of settlement expansion that threatens to link the 1967 border with the Jordan Valley, thus bisecting
Palestinian
territory.
Palestinian
President Mahmoud Abbas is too weak and too burdened by his rivalry with the hard-line Islamist Hamas – which rules in Gaza – to allow himself the political luxury of departing from the core demands of
Palestinian
nationalism.
Thus, US Secretary of State John Kerry will require great deal of creativity to reconcile Netanyahu’s position and the
Palestinian
precondition, recently reiterated by Abbas’s close associate Nabil Shaath, that Israel must agree to negotiate on the basis of the 1967 borders.
Mahmoud Al-Habbash, the
Palestinian
minister of religious affairs, even went so far as to demand “assurances that the talks won’t fail,” because if they do, a new intifada would surely erupt.
Netanyahu, always on the defensive, does not view Middle East turmoil as a trigger for a proactive strategy that would use a solution to the
Palestinian
problem as leverage for broader positive change in the region.
A solution to the
Palestinian
problem would serve such a strategy.
Decent would-be
Palestinian
businessmen (the potential backbone of a middle class) are destroyed.
But the Gaza blockade means that Israel boycotts
Palestinian
academic life.
Under his rule, Libya has supported terrorist organizations worldwide--from the IRA to various
Palestinian
extremist groups.
Once this sizeable swath of voters begins participating in municipal elections – which they have so far avoided, lest they be viewed as legitimizing Israeli rule – control of the city council is likely to pass to a
Palestinian
majority.
Peres understood that a Jerusalem united under exclusively Israeli rule was not feasible, assuring Norway’s foreign minister in a 1993 letter – critical to the conclusion of the Oslo accords – that Israel would respect the autonomy of
Palestinian
institutions in East Jerusalem.
Of course, to some degree, Jerusalem’s
Palestinian
residents benefit from Israel’s advanced social-security and health-care systems, the likes of which their brethren in the
Palestinian
Authority can only imagine.
Nonetheless, they continue to identify themselves as Palestinian, with only 10,000 of Jerusalem’s 300,000
Palestinian
residents having agreed to apply for Israeli citizenship.
As a result of those settlements, the
Palestinian
government’s remit applies to a mere 13% of the district’s total land area.
Another major challenge facing the new Fatah leadership will be how it deals with the duality of holding party posts while also holding ministerial positions within the
Palestinian
Authority.
The Fatah congress also dealt a blow to the abuse and corruption that have plagued the movement in recent years, especially since the establishment of the
Palestinian
Authority.
Thus, for example, Ahmad Qurei (Abu Ala’a), a former prime minister and senior negotiator who is accused of owning shares in a
Palestinian
company that supplied cement for Israel’s construction of the hated wall that cuts through
Palestinian
territory, lost his position within Fatah’s leadership.
The delegates overwhelmingly agreed that the movement must keep open the option of returning underground if negotiations for statehood fail, while being ready to become a political party if a
Palestinian
state is born.
But it also depends on Israel and the international community, which must do all they can to ensure a future
Palestinian
state with Jerusalem as its capital.
Back
Next
Related words
State
Would
Peace
Their
Which
Territories
Government
Refugees
Political
Between
People
International
There
Could
Leaders
Leadership
Under
Occupation
Solution
Security