Palestinian
in sentence
1687 examples of Palestinian in a sentence
But the true significance of his demand lies in that it’s being pronounced at a time when Prime Minister Salam Fayaad’s policies are posing a genuine challenge to the
Palestinian
national movement to choose between an ethos of vindication and one of state building.
Under Fayaad, the
Palestinian
Authority seems to be superseding the
Palestinian
national movement’s diaspora-based emphasis in favor of state-building within the territorial confines of the occupied territories.
Conspicuously, the recently elected PLO Executive Committee – which in the past consisted exclusively of representatives of the
Palestinian
Diaspora – now has only one member from the diaspora, a delegate from Lebanon.
This could mark a sea change in the evolution of
Palestinian
nationalism.
But the situation was reversed in the case of the Palestinians: the ethos of the diaspora, with the plight of the refugees at its center, has been the beating heart of the
Palestinian
cause and the focus of decision making for the national movement.
As a result, the
Palestinian
community in the occupied territories was always subservient to the primacy of the
Palestinian
Diaspora.
Fayaadism, by contrast, seeks the “Zionization” of the
Palestinian
national movement.
It imbues the
Palestinian
cause with a positive ethos of nation- and state-building by superseding
Palestinian
nationalism’s diaspora-centered preoccupations – and thereby transcending the paralyzing obsession with a never-fulfilled vindication of rights and justice.
Precisely when Israel managed to domesticate the
Palestinian
national movement by forcing it to abandon its revolutionary path in favor of state-building and economic development – a reorientation undertaken by Zionism as well – the Israelis decided to draw the Palestinians back to the fundamentals of the conflict.
Indeed, despite of the rise of Fayaadism, the
Palestinian
national movement will be careful not to betray its real sources of legitimacy: the ethos of dispossession and the refugee.
Any sober
Palestinian
leadership must know by now that the rhetorical promise of a return to an abandoned house and to the olive tree is an irresponsible mirage that fundamentally contradicts the rationale for a separate
Palestinian
state.
Instead of suppressing the memory of the refugees, Israel needs to recognize that in 1948 the land was bisected by the sword, and that the Jewish state came into being partly because of the massive uprooting and dispossession of
Palestinian
communities.
Israel should develop enough self-confidence in its solidity as a nation to integrate into its schools’ curriculum the tragedy of the
Palestinian
Naqbah.
The Arab League is set to meet later this month to advise the
Palestinian
leadership whether or not to engage in direct talks with Israel.
Palestinian
officials say that there is no use in holding direct talks that are nothing more than a photo opportunity intended to create the impression of a peace process while avoiding any substantive commitments.
Israel has yet to produce a single written document outlining its position on the territory that will become a
Palestinian
state alongside Israel.
When former US president Bill Clinton tried to set up the second Camp David summit,
Palestinian
leader Yasser Arafat hesitated.
The Israelis want talks without conditions, even though Netanyahu has imposed his own condition on the Palestinians: recognition of Israel as a Jewish state, and acceptance of a demilitarized
Palestinian
state that does not include Jerusalem and the Jordan valley.
TEL AVIV – According to Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu, the ongoing wave of knife attacks on Jews by young
Palestinian
“lone wolves” can be blamed entirely on incitement by
Palestinian
Authority and Islamist websites.
Despite being a largely secular generation, they are using the narrative of jihad (the knife is a conspicuous Islamic State symbol) to defy their parents’ docility, challenge an incompetent
Palestinian
leadership, and, most of all, to resist the Israeli occupiers.
Indeed, at this point,
Palestinian
Authority President Mahmoud Abbas is more worried about avoiding the fate of Egypt’s Hosni Mubarak or Tunisia’s Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali than he is about stopping the violence.
By blurring the borders between Israel and the
Palestinian
territories, Israel has created the conditions for permanent civil war.
A speech at the United Nations, reiterating his support for Israel, his understanding of Israel’s fears and vulnerability, with barely a mention of
Palestinian
fears and vulnerability.
Provoked, in part, by Arab neighbors’ hostility and
Palestinian
leaders’ intransigence, Israel began to turn sharply to the right.
European right-wing populists, including some who represent parties with a strong anti-Semitic past, now proudly proclaim their support for Israeli settlers on
Palestinian
land.
Putting pressure on Israel to stop building settlements and come to terms with a viable
Palestinian
state will be very difficult.
These campaigns, encouraged by
Palestinian
groups and non-governmental organizations, have been accompanied by individual acts of professional ostracism, and an informal boycott of Israeli scholars, publications, and cultural projects already exists in some European circles.
The occupation of
Palestinian
territories has had terrible consequences, and it is necessary to end it.
At the same time, the Palestinians become objects of romanticized identifications – one of the leaders of the NAFTHE motion was seen, prior to a meeting, draped in a
Palestinian
flag – and unwitting condescension.
Unless British academics are ill informed, they know that Israel, far from being an “apartheid state,” has a large proportion of Arab citizens; that Israeli universities are well integrated, in some cases with considerable numbers of Arab students, as well as a number – admittedly small and insufficiently representative – of Arab faculty; that many universities sponsor collaborative projects with
Palestinian
and Arab colleagues; that they are often sites of dissidence against government policies; and that such dissidence, even in radical forms, is tolerated.
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