Palestinian
in sentence
1687 examples of Palestinian in a sentence
Netanyahu could not bring himself to admit the sins of occupation, or even to utter a minimal expression of empathy with the
Palestinian
tragedy of dispossession and dispersion.
Indeed, Netanyahu’s call for peace will remain hollow so long as he continues to view the solution to Israel’s legitimate security concerns as requiring continuous occupation of sizable portions of the future
Palestinian
state.
Abbas’s refusal to recognize Israel as a Jewish state – on the ground that to do so would betray Israel’s 1.5 million
Palestinian
citizens – vindicated a key Israeli concern, and fueled skeptics’ fears of a hidden long-term
Palestinian
agenda to do away with the Jewish state altogether.
He managed to redress the balance of power with Israel and the United States by mobilizing the vast support that the
Palestinian
cause elicits in the international community.
But efforts to re-start the peace process now confront a stark new reality: two mutually hostile
Palestinian
entities in Hamas-ruled Gaza and the Fatah-led West Bank must now be factored into the process.
The Hamas/Fatah face-off marks a dramatic shift in
Palestinian
politics, whose top priorities until now has been an end to the Israeli occupation and the establishment of an independent state.
Under Israel’s occupation, and then with the establishment of the
Palestinian
Authority (PA) in 1994, the territories remained separated geographically, but not politically.
Palestinian
President Mahmoud Abbas has now set his conditions for dialogue.
Hamas must withdraw its armed men from all security headquarters they occupied, return power to the legitimate authority, and apologize to the
Palestinian
people.
Whatever actions are taken to confront Hamas will undermine the
Palestinian
national project.
Recently, during the vote on
Palestinian
representation at the United Nations, the EU called for its members to abstain – an odd way to affirm Europe’s commitment to global leadership.
It is as if, paradoxically, Israelis had internalized the concept of “temporary truce” advocated by their Hamas adversary, and had given up the goal of peace through a two-state solution that they once pursued with the
Palestinian
Authority.
To achieve this objective requires resolution of the Arab-Israeli conflict, particularly the
Palestinian
question.
Meanwhile, the deal severely compromised the leadership of Mahmoud Abbas, the president of the
Palestinian
Authority, who has been clamoring for years for the release of prisoners in order to boost his popular standing and enhance his position as Israel’s interlocutor for peace.
Hamas’ resounding success in bringing home the heroes of the
Palestinian
cause was a major defeat for Abbas – and a significant blow to the peace process.
The
Palestinian
cause will now resonate louder than ever in the central squares of Cairo, Amman, and Ankara.
Things began to change after the 1967 Six Day War, and even more after the 1973 “Yom Kippur” war, when it became clear that Israel was not going to let go of the
Palestinian
territories that it had conquered.
But the toughness was reserved solely for the current
Palestinian
leadership: without mentioning Yasir Arafat by name, Bush clearly called for a new
Palestinian
leadership, one "not compromised by terrorism."
He condemned the
Palestinian
Authority's rejection of Israeli peace offers and promised US support for statehood if the Palestinians change their leadership, reiterating that "a
Palestinian
state will not be achieved by terrorism."
One cannot imagine a harsher condemnation of Arafat and the entire
Palestinian
leadership.
Bush is now clearly suggesting that Arafat is not a partner for peace, that the Oslo agreements are, in effect, dead, and thus that the
Palestinian
Authority as constituted by them does not exist anymore.
By adopting this policy, Bush is walking a fine line between Arab pressure to support the emergence of a
Palestinian
state and his own commitment to fight terrorism and not reward suicide bombers.
The major challenge is how the demand for a change in the
Palestinian
leadership will be met.
A crucial hallmark of
Palestinian
society is the weakness of its institutions: civic organizations are woefully under-developed, and responsive party structures that can effectively representing social interests do not exist--except those of the armed militias, like Fatah or Hamas.
President Bush also mentioned Arab help in bringing about a change of
Palestinian
leadership.
Beginning with Oslo, these leaders had a chance to establish a
Palestinian
state.
Goldstone and his team concluded that both Israel and Hamas, the
Palestinian
group controlling Gaza, committed war crimes and possibly crimes against humanity during the period of the conflict which the investigation addressed.
It referred only to “the grave violations of human rights in the Occupied
Palestinian
Territory, particularly due to the recent Israeli military attacks,” and called for a mission to investigate “all violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian law by the occupying power, Israel, against the
Palestinian
people.”
For the Israelis, the public statements of
Palestinian
armed groups celebrating rocket and mortar attacks on civilians strengthen a deep-rooted concern that negotiation will yield little and that their nation remains under existential threat from which only it can protect its people.
Netanyahu’s intention was essentially to force the Palestinians into admitting that the right of return of refugees applies only to the
Palestinian
state, not Israel.
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