Palestinian
in sentence
1687 examples of Palestinian in a sentence
But Mubarak refused, saying that Secretary of State George Shultz was “crazy” if he believed that Egypt would betray the
Palestinian
cause.
Israel accepted this, but the Palestinians did not, so the
Palestinian
state was never established.
In successive wars, Israel seized all the land allocated to Palestine, mainly the West Bank of the Jordan River and Gaza, now swarming with millions of
Palestinian
refugees.
Since the Oslo Accords of 1993, which envisaged a
Palestinian
state on the West Bank and in Gaza, “facts on the ground” have whittled down the putative
Palestinian
state still further.
Palestinian
Authority President Mahmoud Abbas might be attracted by the money if it is accompanied by the trappings and symbols of statehood.
The Netanyahu government, too, might conceivably agree to a
Palestinian
“entity” on 75% of the West Bank, provided that Israel remained in overall control.
One way to increase it would be to convert the
Palestinian
demand for a “right of return” (to Israeli lands from which they fled in 1947-1948) into a right to compensation.
By revisiting the Israeli offer, Kerry could neatly combine economic stimulus with fulfillment of a key
Palestinian
demand.
There would need to be agreement on the amount of territory reserved for the
Palestinian
state.
The
Palestinian
side, for its part, must accept that Israel is here to stay, and that huge benefits can be reaped from economic cooperation.
Hamas has always believed that only violence can achieve a genuine
Palestinian
state, so the Israelis must fear a third intifada if Abbas cannot deliver.
There will be another roadmap to final two-state status, with some timetable for
Palestinian
statehood, conditional on Hamas’s renunciation of violence.
Nor were they scandalized when Netanyahu reneged on his commitment to the creation of a
Palestinian
state.
The Palestinians, after all, never accepted any of the left’s peace proposals over the years, and the current fragmentation of
Palestinian
politics – defined by a weak and ineffective PLO and a Hamas obsessed with an irrational and self-defeating war option – does not give room for much optimism.
Stories about Israel focus almost exclusively on the
Palestinian
conflict.
The hypocrisy of some of Israel’s critics in no way vindicates its colonial encroachment on
Palestinian
space, which makes it the last developed, “Western” country occupying and manhandling a non-Western people.
Jewish persecution, and the way that Zionism has employed it, has become a model for
Palestinian
nationalism.
Catchwords like “exile,” “diaspora,” “Holocaust,” “return,” and “genocide” are now an inextricable component of the
Palestinian
national ethos.
Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu’s Israel is rightly perceived as a status quo state that aspires to have it all: continued control over and settlement of the
Palestinian
territories and “quiet for quiet” from the Palestinians.
The first obstacle – indeed, the issue that stands front and center today – is the ongoing
Palestinian
civil war, with Hamas controlling the Gaza Strip in defiance of Abu Mazen’s Fatah-led
Palestinian
Authority.
The Oslo process tried to build a
Palestinian
state from the top down: create a
Palestinian
national authority, hand over territory to it, give it increasing power, arm it and finance it, hold elections, and a
Palestinian
state would emerge.
Instead, the consequence was a corrupt, militarized
Palestinian
Authority, with competing security services proved incapable of providing security.
Two reasons for this failure stand out: the institutional weakness of
Palestinian
civil society, which lacks the infrastructure necessary for nation-building; and the impossibility of simultaneous nation-building and peace-making.
A fundamental change of paradigm is needed: the effort should shift to building a
Palestinian
state from the bottom up, for which there are encouraging signs, even in the midst of the failure of the top-down process.
But these nuts-and-bolts projects created – for the first time – the building blocks necessary for effective
Palestinian
nation-building.
The Oslo process has failed; an attempt to revive it – say, by way of the Beirut Arab peace initiative – will merely bring into the open all of the existing disagreements between the two sides, and will not overcome the
Palestinian
failure at nation-building.
After all the breakdowns in efforts to create a
Palestinian
state from the top down, only the old-fashioned way – from the bottom up – remains viable.
The centerpiece of Obama’s visit was his address in Jerusalem, in which – employing his characteristically compelling rhetoric – he won over the skeptical Israeli public by appealing to their sense of morality, asking them to imagine the conflict from a
Palestinian
perspective.
Rather than expending significant political capital trying to press an unreceptive Israeli government and a fractured
Palestinian
establishment to pursue peace, Obama used his visit to shift the discourse – and the responsibility for achieving a peace agreement – to the Israeli (and Palestinian) public.
Likewise, the recent escalation in cross-border fighting between Israel and Gaza-based
Palestinian
militants could be a sign of things to come.
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