Palestinian
in sentence
1687 examples of Palestinian in a sentence
Hamas claims to be the Palestinians’ true representative, having won the majority of seats in the
Palestinian
Legislative Council (PLC) in January 2006 (the PLC’s term expired in January 2010, but fresh elections have yet to be held).
Hamas, for its part, has expressed its willingness to accept a
Palestinian
state on the West Bank and Gaza, subject to a return of all refugees and Israel’s release of all
Palestinian
prisoners.
In continuing to expand settlements, Israel leaves gradually less and less room for the creation of a viable
Palestinian
state, which requires a contiguous and unified territory.
Not only had Israel become an occupying power ruling
Palestinian
territories conquered in two wars, but left-wing ideology in the West had begun to shift from class-based concerns to battling imperialism and racism.
He said that he was protesting French military operations in Muslim countries and avenging the killing of
Palestinian
children.
That would certainly satisfy Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu and the
Palestinian
fringe seeking to weaken the
Palestinian
Authority.
Meanwhile, the political legitimacy of the
Palestinian
leadership has long been declining, and many Palestinians doubt that it can articulate a national strategy and deliver an agreement with Israel in any form.
By putting the core issue of
Palestinian
rights front and center, the
Palestinian
leadership would be acknowledging a shift that is already occurring within
Palestinian
society.
While this shift from the Oslo paradigm could inject new energy into finding a solution, it is almost certain to have a major impact on
Palestinian
nationalism, which is itself at an impasse, divided between those who hold firm to the tenets of the Oslo framework, and those who focus more on greater legal protections and universal freedoms.
Palestinian
identity – which has long been defined by a narrative centered on independence – hangs in the balance.
The trajectory of the
Palestinian
national movement is examined in a forthcoming report by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, entitled “Revitalizing
Palestinian
Nationalism: Options Versus Realities.”
The report assesses
Palestinian
nationalism in the current political climate, and offers proposals for rejuvenating the project.
Its conclusions are based on a survey of 58
Palestinian
experts, who not only explore the barriers to
Palestinian
statehood, but also offer perspectives on the future course of a national strategy.
Two questions are at the center of “Revitalizing
Palestinian
Nationalism.”
And, second, can the principles of a
Palestinian
state come to replace the form of such a state?
But they cannot be avoided, given the changes occurring within the
Palestinian
national movement itself.
While the current situation on the ground stagnates – amid continued settlement expansion, extensive Israeli military control, and anemic
Palestinian
institutions – an emerging generation of Palestinians is determined to take the stage.
Palestinian
nationalism will survive; it is a core element of
Palestinian
identity.
But whether the
Palestinian
national project will proceed with a redefined vision and strategy, or remain bogged down by old ideas, is the key question that must be addressed in the months and years ahead.
A viable Israeli answer to the dramatic changes in the region – and to their already foreseeable consequences – can only take the form of a serious offer of negotiations to Mahmoud Abbas’s
Palestinian
government, with the objective of signing a comprehensive peace treaty.
Obama had promised a
Palestinian
state within one year, and Abbas is now building upon that promise.
And what will the
Palestinian
road towards peace look like after the UN decision to recognize some form of statehood for Palestine?
Fatah’s Status Quo CongressHERZLIYA – The Sixth Fatah Congress, held recently in Bethlehem, was an important event for the future of the Arab-Israeli conflict and for the
Palestinian
movement.
Indeed, far from being an electoral revolution, only two of those elected – Barghouti and Muhammad Shtayyeh, who has headed PECDAR, the
Palestinian
agency that promotes transparency and economic development – can be considered at all critical of the Fatah establishment.
But, while the election did not usher in a leadership eager for peace with Israel and a
Palestinian
state achieved by compromise, nor was it a prelude to a renewal of violence.
There is a wide range of views in the new
Palestinian
leadership.
Although both Hezbollah and Iran still argue, perhaps correctly, that Israel will not give back the Golan Heights or allow the emergence of a
Palestinian
state, the possibility of peace cannot be ruled out.
Egypt’s government has welcomed Iranian diplomats and embraced the
Palestinian
group Hamas.
When the late
Palestinian
leader Yasser Arafat humiliated Mubarak before the US secretary of state and the international media by refusing to sign an annex to an Israeli-Palestinian accord brokered in Cairo, Mubarak told him, “Sign it, you son of a dog!”On the other hand, when Arab public opinion opposed
Palestinian
concessions, Mubarak remained aloof from US peace initiatives.
For example, in 1996, he declined President Bill Clinton’s invitation to come to Washington, along with Arafat and the leaders of Israel and Jordan, to settle a bout of
Palestinian
violence.
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