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Occupation in sentence

719 examples of Occupation in a sentence

But the first fell prey to a long US occupation, and the second currently faces a US-led oil-export embargo designed to throttle it financially.
The independent workforce is also diverse in terms of income level, education, gender, occupation, and industry.
Moreover, massive inflows of international aid make Israel’s occupation one of the most convenient in world history; the Israelis control the land and its population without having to bear the financial burden of direct rule.
The third wave comprised refugees displaced during Afghanistan’s war against Soviet occupation.
To achieve lasting disarmament, military action would also have to be lasting, beginning with regime change and continuing with a long occupation.
But, while President Barack Obama has said of Iran that “all options are on the table,” occupation clearly is not among them.
Both the uncoordinated withdrawals from south Lebanon (by the Labor party after 22 years of occupation) and from Gaza (by Likud after 39 years of occupation) proved that you can’t simply evacuate an area and forget about it.
The second key assumption underlying peace negotiations was that Israel, as a democratic country, would not want to rule another people through military occupation – thereby denying them their basic human right of self-determination – in perpetuity.
And international forums like the United Nations Security Council must condemn Israel’s refusal to end its 47-year occupation, making it clear that the country will no longer benefit from a diplomatic double standard.
The Palestinians are a proud people who have made tremendous sacrifices in their struggle to survive displacement, occupation, and protracted sieges.
Waiting for spring to come is ex-mujahideen commander Gulbuddin Hekmatyar - a former favorite of the CIA and Pakistan's ISI during the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan.
The original selection of judges by what was widely viewed as a wing of the occupation exposes the tribunal to allegations of bias and partiality, as have issues regarding access and transparency for defendants and others.
The first pillar – military presence – dates back to French and British occupation of parts of the Ottoman Empire after World War I, and was reinforced by the Cold War-era military links forged by the United States and the Soviet Union.
Although the Palestinians would be right to oppose Israel’s policy of limiting their living space in the city, at no moment since the 1967 occupation of East Jerusalem has an Israeli government questioned the Palestinians’ authority over these shrines.
Things began to change in the early 1970s, after the occupation of the West Bank and other Arab territories.
On the monetary front, the CFA Franc Zone’s member countries dismantled the federal structure that united them during French occupation and erected trade barriers instead.
Likewise, the Philippines – locked in a stand-off with China over the disputed Scarborough shoal – has set aside its resentment over Japan’s wartime occupation and accepted increased aid and naval assistance, including ten patrol vessels, worth $11 million each, to help with maritime surveillance.
In Fayyad’s vision, Palestinians, who bear the brunt of the occupation and are in a greater hurry than the Israelis are to be free of it, are to accept a peace strategy that aims at realizing statehood.
Israel’s objective of being a permanent Jewish, democratic, secure, and prosperous country is threatened by open-ended occupation and evolving demographic realities.
The Kremlin has maintained Russia’s illegal occupation of Japanese islands – our “Northern Territories” – seized by Stalin after Japan’s surrender in the Pacific War.
With Israel no longer able to use Palestinian institutional weakness as a justification for its continued occupation of the West Bank, Palestine would stand to benefit.
Czech and Polish leaders, recalling past periods of Russian and Soviet occupation, categorically reject hosting a permanent Russian presence.
Thus, the main reason for not fighting the war in the first place, namely the perfectly obvious hatred of the majority of the population for the American invasion and occupation, became a justification for the war.
My discontent is with the quality of a civilization in which the production and consumption of unnecessary goods has become most people’s main occupation.
During the Nazi occupation, the government was forced to provide Germany with a loan that has yet to be repaid.
Of course, civilized countries should not give up the fight against extremist Islam because of the bloodshed in Iraq; but we must recognize that war, occupation, and forced submission to military power have merely caused mass humiliation and resentment among many ordinary Muslims – emotions that are then channeled into terrorist networks.
Political action implies actually leaving Iraq quickly and finding a fair solution to the Palestinian conflict, which in turn requires ending the occupation of all Palestinian territories.
Their tactic has been to obstruct a clear review of the Iraqi catastrophe by suggesting that any criticism of Saddam's regime is tantamount to supporting the American occupation of Iraq.
This was the stagnant context in which Iraq embarked on its military expansionism in 1991, aimed at the occupation of Kuwait.
In the weeks since the overthrow of Saddam's regime, and despite the American occupation, Iraqis are exercising an increasing degree of control over their daily lives.
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