Occupation
in sentence
719 examples of Occupation in a sentence
The international community, especially the US, is giving verbal support to launching serious Palestinian-Israeli talks, and the Mecca Agreement paves the way for Abbas to negotiate an end to the
occupation.
For years, the world envied the Palestinian people’s strong social fiber, as they held together despite the
occupation.
With a strong sense of national identity, Palestinians boasted that they had a clear unifying purpose: ending the Israeli
occupation
and establishing an independent and democratic state.
Navigating Lebanon’s Political MinefieldOn the face of it, the donor conference of Western and oil-rich Arab nations in Paris this week merely continues the work of two previous multilateral conferences in 2001 and 2002, aimed at helping Lebanon to rebuild its infrastructure after years of civil war and Israeli
occupation
and to tackle its massive debt.
It is worth remembering that the original sin of the US-led
occupation
of Iraq 11 years ago was so-called “de-Ba’athification” – the purge of any and all people with ties to Saddam Hussein’s Ba’ath party.
With Iraq in flames, the United States-led invasion and
occupation
is widely blamed for unwittingly introducing a sectarian concept of identity in the country.
When the Ba’ath party – along with its civic ideology – was destroyed by the US occupation, no new civic concept replaced it.
Nothing in Asia's history, however, remotely compares to Europe's half-century of division and veritable
occupation
by two rival superpowers.
While his promises to strike “the ultimate deal” are not backed by much detail, they remain appealing to Palestinians, who have grown frustrated with a peace process that has had little impact beyond allowing Israel to expand and consolidate its
occupation
of Palestinian land.
When Germany's President came to Prague, shortly after our Velvet Revolution, on March 15, 1990 (the anniversary of the Nazi
occupation
of the Czech lands), he did not have to say much because the fact of his visit on such a day spoke volumes.
The Taliban grew out of the Soviet
occupation
of Afghanistan and turned the country into a training ground for terror.
Whatever economic projects have been launched has crumbled in the face of the persistence of the
occupation.
Israel’s blockade of Gaza and
occupation
of Palestinian territories on the West Bank, not to mention the road blocks, destruction of homes, and other daily torments of the Palestinians, are also a form of institutionalized inhumanity.
Readers will be disappointed if they want to learn more about Japan’s entry into the Pacific War, its defeat, the Allied
occupation
(especially Hirohito’s relationship with General Douglas MacArthur), or Hirohito’s later reluctance to visit the Yasukuni Shrine, where Imperial Japan’s war dead, including Class-A war criminals, are honored.
Forty-one years later, Israel is still incapable of extricating itself from the corrupting
occupation
of Palestinian lands, and from the folly of settlements.
In the 42 years of Morocco’s
occupation
of Western Sahara, we, the Saharawi people, have seen eight American presidents, six UN secretary-generals, and a battery of UN special representatives and personal envoys of the secretary-general come and go.
In the United States, the rate at which prostitutes are killed in the workplace is 51 times that of the next most dangerous
occupation
for women, working in a liquor store.
Recently, for example, more than 50 Israeli reservists signed a petition declaring their refusal to serve, citing many forms of oppression but naming specifically the dual legal system that discriminates against Palestinians, and the “brutal” nature of the military
occupation.
Following one of the most lethal nights of Israel’s “Operation Protective Edge” in Gaza – and what many human-rights defenders have called a massacre – police, citing “security concerns,” sought to prevent an estimated 10,000 people from gathering in the streets of Tel Aviv to oppose what organizers described as an illegal
occupation
and military campaign against the Palestinians.
For example, Israel’s harsh policies to confront the 1987 intifada , coupled with the boycott of the PLO by oil-rich Arab countries (because of its failure to oppose Saddam Hussein’s
occupation
of Kuwait) formed a potent reality check for the Palestinian leadership.
The Nazis were gone, and the
occupation
powers had not yet set up any kind of administration.
The
occupation
troops went on a rampage.
The German example shows just how different
occupation
powers can be.
In the Soviet zone of occupation, progress was slow and above all coupled with a new enslavement.
In this he also differs from Arafat, who believed that the revolutionary mindset must continue so as long as Palestinians lived under an illegal foreign
occupation.
The role of the Israeli
occupation
forces will thus be crucial in determining the success of Abbas’s daunting mission.
During their
occupation
of Japan in the 1940’s, Americans wrote a new pacifist constitution, which made the use of Japanese military force abroad unconstitutional.
It reached crisis levels with the 2003 US-led invasion and subsequent
occupation
of Iraq under President George W. Bush – a watershed moment that caused irreparable damage to America’s international standing.
Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania reemerged from Soviet
occupation.
Then again, almost every
occupation
can and will be partly automated at some point in the future.
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