Namely
in sentence
670 examples of Namely in a sentence
This vacuum, proponents say, will ultimately be filled by something, and so should be filled as soon as possible by something benign,
namely
NATO.
Second, it was possible that some central banks –
namely
the Fed – could pull the plug (or hose) by exiting from QE and zero policy rates.
Such programs often combine the sport itself (namely, soccer) with vocational training and internships.
Yes, there are a few notable outliers – namely, the United Kingdom, where currency pressures and one-off holiday distortions are temporarily boosting core inflation to 2.4%, and Malaysia, where the removal of fuel subsidies has boosted headline inflation, yet left the core stable at around 2.5%.
The emergence of seven new – and often mutually antagonistic – states made it clear that regional stability would depend on a new framework, namely, the EU.
Yet Europe has focused more on enforcing shared values in the tech sector – namely, by strengthening data privacy regulations – than on developing a long-term strategy to become competitive.
Twice, it withdrew its troops unilaterally behind its recognized borders,
namely
from southern Lebanon and Gaza.
But the Schengen agreement offers an alternative,
namely
arrangements between individual states.
By appealing to nationalist sentiment, populists have gained support everywhere, regardless of the economic system or situation, because it is being fueled externally,
namely
by the influx of migrants and refugees.
But this idea threatens current beneficiaries of EU redistributive policies,
namely
Spain (which now gets over a third of Union cohesion funds) and Greece (which gets about a fifth), as well as Ireland.
So, while post-crisis Asia focused in the 2000’s on repairing the financial vulnerabilities that had wreaked such havoc – namely, by amassing huge foreign-exchange reserves, turning current-account deficits into surpluses, and reducing its outsize exposure to short-term capital inflows – it failed to rebalance its economy’s macro structure.
But there also seems to be a bit of a reaction against the “new kids on the block,”
namely
multinational enterprises from emerging markets, especially when these are state-owned and seek to enter the US market through mergers and acquisitions.
But the rapid run-up in equity prices also carries considerable risks – namely, the possibility that the financial sector will misuse the newfound liquidity to finance more speculative investment in asset bubbles, while supporting old industries with excess capacity.
Today, in contrast, the problem is the opposite,
namely
the inability of central banks to raise inflation to target levels.
A country’s output depends on its inputs,
namely
its labor force and capital stock, and on the efficiency with which it uses them.
Other former communist countries in Eastern Europe – namely, Lithuania, Ukraine, and Hungary – have also come to favor a nationalist narrative of victimhood and resistance.
Markets are the products of a very basic human characteristic,
namely
the characteristic to trade, to barter, or exchange goods and services.
It is now going on over the question, who defines the center in the right way, and so we have a new center and an old center, a left center and a right center, but they all are built on a basic consensus,
namely
that a society without a market core is impossible.
They can be seen almost everywhere, including in the world’s oldest existing democracy,
namely
the United States.
And without proactive diplomacy, the US will quickly be eclipsed internationally,
namely
by China.
But its success or failure ultimately boils down to power politics – namely, a resolution of the tension between short-term palliatives and the commitment to a long-term strategy.
Nor will there be much progress on a matter dear to Berlin,
namely
Germany’s application to enter the UN Security Council as a permanent member.
China’s economic exceptionalism is now being threatened by a perfect storm of existing stresses – namely, the domestic debt build-up – and new complications, including US trade barriers, the geopolitical pushback against China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), and tightening monetary conditions, particularly in the United States.
More recently, however, it has perpetuated this approach through other means,
namely
the BRI, with which it finances other countries’ purchases of Chinese goods and services.
Unfortunately, the new Basel III Accord and the ensuing EU Capital Requirements Directive have failed to correct the two main shortcomings of international prudential rules – namely, their reliance on banks’ risk-management models for the calculation of capital requirements, and the lack of supervisory accountability.
But it is of a paramount importance that these kinds of change, namely, to incorporate real power into the structure of the UN, make more progress.
In terms of values – namely, the values of Romney and his running mate, Paul Ryan – things are not much better.
But a more cynical view permeates populist logic,
namely
that in its excessive adherence to globalism, the US has sown the seeds of its own political and economic destruction.
Never mind the obvious flaw in the Fund’s logic,
namely
that countries such as Greece and Portugal face policy and implementation risks far more akin to emerging markets than to truly advanced economies such as Germany and the United States.
In the absence of rebalancing, any one of several potential tipping points could seriously compromise the economy’s ability to pull off another soft landing: deteriorating credit quality in the banking system; weakening export competitiveness as wages rise; key environmental, governance, and social problems (namely, pollution, corruption, and inequality); and, of course, foreign-policy missteps, as suggested by escalating problems with Japan.
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