Multilateral
in sentence
1507 examples of Multilateral in a sentence
China has also benefited greatly from
multilateral
economic institutions like the World Trade Organization, the World Bank, and the International Monetary Fund.
Even within
multilateral
forums, the relationship between Russia and China is far from balanced.
Among the major
multilateral
institutions, the WTO maintains jurisdiction over trade.
Within member governments, relations with the WTO are usually the responsibility of the trade or foreign ministry, while
multilateral
financial institutions, including the regional development banks, are generally the responsibility of the finance ministry.
Rather, WTO trade agreements could establish effective links with
multilateral
and regional development banks, thereby helping to realize the principle of closer international coordination set out in the Marrakesh Agreement.
So far, US and East Asian leaders have done little beyond offering rhetorical support for the creation of
multilateral
security institutions.
The updated principles would maintain strategic communication and healthy bilateral relations; harness each other’s strengths and expand cooperation in infrastructure, investment, and other areas; deepen cultural ties and increase mutual understanding and friendship; expand coordination and collaboration in
multilateral
affairs to safeguard developing countries’ legitimate interests and address global challenges; and accommodate each other’s core concerns and reconcile bilateral disagreements amicably.
The US remains stuck in the time-worn mindset of a deficit saver with massive
multilateral
trade deficits and the need to draw freely on global surplus saving to support economic growth.
Thus, the US has virtually pulled out of the Doha Round of
multilateral
trade negotiations, with Obama acquiescing to greedy business lobbies that will not settle unless more of their demands are met.
But not only has Obama abandoned Doha; he has also seriously endangered the
multilateral
trading system by diverting US efforts and resources to discriminatory bilateral trade deals and, most recently, to the Trans-Pacific Partnership, which will principally aid countries that are worried about an aggressive China and seek political security rather than increased trade.
The result is a
multilateral
trade deficit, with China and 101 other countries, required to provide the foreign capital needed for the balance of payments.
But Trump has not just struck a blow against open
multilateral
trade.
They will lead to severe costs for the US economy and the rules-based
multilateral
trade system, and to the loss of US credibility long after he is gone.
The IMF can cut off not only its own credit, but also most loans from the larger World Bank, other
multilateral
lenders, rich country governments, and even much of the private sector.
The world has for years called for a
multilateral
approach from Washington.
Finally, the International Monetary Fund, the European Union, and other
multilateral
institutions should provide generous lender-of-last-resort support in order to prevent a severe deflationary recession in countries that need private and public deleveraging.
China must remain committed to resuscitating the stalled Doha Round of
multilateral
trade negotiations, and support a global agreement on investment flows.
The regional and
multilateral
dimensions are similarly inadequate.
Parliaments and
multilateral
institutions must do a better job at facilitating cooperative policy implementation, which will require a willingness to reform outmoded institutions, including political lobbying.
By bringing about its demise, the Trump administration could severely undermine future
multilateral
initiatives.
Although US politicians focus on the bilateral trade deficit with China – which is persistently large – what matters is the
multilateral
balance.
When demands for China to adjust its exchange rate began during George W. Bush’s administration, its
multilateral
trade surplus was small.
More recently, however, China has been running a large
multilateral
surplus as well.
Saudi Arabia also has a bilateral and
multilateral
surplus: Americans want its oil, and Saudis want fewer US products.
Even in absolute value, Saudi Arabia’s
multilateral
merchandise surplus of $212 billion in 2008 dwarfs China’s $175 billion surplus; as a percentage of GDP, Saudi Arabia’s current-account surplus, at 11.5% of GDP, is more than twice that of China.
America’s
multilateral
trade deficit will not be significantly narrowed until America saves significantly more; while the Great Recession induced higher household savings (which were near zero), this has been more than offset by the increased government deficits.
Since China’s
multilateral
surplus is the economic issue and many countries are concerned about it, the US should seek a multilateral, rules-based solution.
Imposing unilateral duties after unilaterally labeling China a “currency manipulator” would undermine the
multilateral
system, with little payoff.
The problem was that central banks, finance ministries, and
multilateral
organizations like the International Monetary Fund – the pillars of the global economy’s institutional framework – failed to grasp globalization’s emerging characteristics and effects, owing partly to the difficulty of discerning structural shifts in the huge mass of data now available.
In this sense, the crisis should have served as a wake-up call, spurring the financial sector, policymakers, and
multilateral
organizations to take action to enhance systemic stability.
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