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Moral in sentence

2544 examples of Moral in a sentence

But that decision, and its moral costs, remains in the hands of the Palestinians alone.
But without a moral foundation, there can be no free-market economy.
He was not criticizing ethnic and cultural pluralism, but the idea of “state multiculturalism,” which applies different moral standards to various social groups.
In this respect, Vilks’ work must be regarded as having succeeded in exposing moral double standards – no matter what one thinks of the drawing itself.
Former perpetrators often try to de-legitimize their former victims’ moral superiority by claiming they were victims themselves.
Rapprochement between Christians is today a moral and political imperative.
Nye argues that a country’s soft power arises from “its culture (in places where it is attractive to others), its political values (when it lives up to them at home and abroad), and its foreign policies (when they are seen as legitimate and having moral authority.)”
As Loeb pointed out more than 100 years ago, when it comes to inventions involving bodily materials and biological processes, moral questions are difficult to answer.
In fact, the European Patent Office (EPO) is not particularly committed to assessing the moral implications of the patents it grants; in its view, “ordre public” would be violated only in the extreme case of a truly outrageous invention.
As a result, while the application procedure allows for third parties to submit to the patent office their observations on the claimed invention’s patentability, it is unlikely to spur a genuine assessment of an application’s moral implications.
The moral of the story is simple.
A “good” party may thus try to forestall that outcome by taking a step down the moral ladder, precipitating a race to the bottom.
This, in turn, shows that ordinary individuals have moral options that may be unavailable to the big institutional players.
Unlike corporations and political parties, ordinary citizens are not locked into winner-takes-all games, because they can make small moral commitments without incurring intolerable costs.
Yet if citizens decide that they will vote in their self-interest within the restraints of a moral code, immoral campaign practices would suddenly impose a cost, rather than confer an advantage.
For ordinary citizens to develop and abide by such moral codes, we need, at a minimum, better civic education, so that people understand the latent power they wield and so that users of digital platforms learn to check the sources of news stories they encounter.
I believe there are corporations and political groups that actually want to adhere to minimal moral standards but cannot, for fearing of losing everything.
This, then, is the modern Japanese version of populism: the “liberal elites,” by falsifying the history of Japan’s glorious war to “liberate Asia,” undermined the Japanese people’s moral fiber.
But moral and ethical questions never yield fully to technical solutions; they also require an understanding of humanity’s social and cultural heritage.
A country derives its soft power primarily from three resources: its culture (in places that find it appealing), its political values (when it lives up to them at home and abroad), and its foreign policies (when they are seen as legitimate and having moral authority).
What is at stake is in part a moral issue, a matter of global social justice.
But, without Mandela’s towering moral and political leadership, the transition would have been long, ugly, and bloody beyond measure.
If the EU and the US want democratic India to act according to its stated moral values and not its vital national interests when these appear to conflict, they had better be prepared to do the same.
Moreover, Western Europe is largely secular, whereas much of Central and Eastern Europe (not to mention the US) is more likely to link its identity to a religion-based moral order.
This is all the more true of Northern Europe’s traditionally moral superpowers.
It would be a service to world peace if the US stopped making cheap moral accusations against China.
Moreover, the war undermined America’s real source of power – its moral authority.
It certainly was not a moral act of clemency.
John Paul II viewed his long tenure, from 1978 to 2005, as a course correction to the moral license and sexual experimentation of that decade.
Second, the next Pope will not be endowed initially with such enormous moral authority as John Paul II has acquired across the world, and so the Patriarch will be able to speak publicly with him, and be measured against him, on something more like equal terms.
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