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Military in sentence

8691 examples of Military in a sentence

Moreover, as he points out, Europe is the world’s second military power, with 21% of the world’s military spending, compared to 5% for China, 3% for Russia, 2% for India, and 1.5% for Brazil.
In Lee’s judgment, China’s leadership will make a serious effort to avoid a military confrontation with the US – at least for the next several decades.
Furthermore, Lee observes, China’s “great advantage is not in military influence but in…economic influence.”
The urgent need in Lebanon is that Israeli attacks stop, that Lebanon’s regular military forces control the southern region of the country, that Hezbollah cease as a separate fighting force, and future attacks against Israel be prevented.
But huge numbers of Europeans believe that something is fundamentally wrong with the Israelis: they never compromise; they prefer using military means to solve political problems.
Any attempt in such places to go behave the European way and negotiate - without the military power needed to back up diplomacy - would be pathetic.
He had, after all, risen to the top of the military on the back of the Pakistani army’s Islamist elements, who came into their own (in what had previously been a rather Anglophile, British- and American-trained officer corps) during the decade-long reign of a fundamentalist military ruler, General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq.
For roughly four years, he represented the best that the West and India could hope for in a Pakistani leader – someone with military authority, who seemed convinced that his own survival, and the interests of his state, demanded a clampdown on terrorism.
Musharraf, concerned at all costs to avoid any military action that might provoke a tribal rebellion against his forces, tried to buy himself more political space by cutting deals with insurgent leaders in the FATA, signing peace agreements with the very chiefs his army should have been pursuing.
A critical factor was the powerful emotions generated by United States-led military interventions in Muslim countries, and by the situation of the Palestinians.
A distinction is often made between “hard” tools for combating terrorism – i.e. executive, including military measures – and “soft” tools such as programs promoting the integration of Muslim immigrants, efforts to stabilize and develop problem countries, and strategies for intercultural dialogue.
Key decisions need to be made in close consultation with the country’s emerging leadership about which international institutions, civilian and military, should be present on the ground.
And when it comes to provision of military and civilian security beyond what the coalition agreement calls “our geographic neighborhood,” the incoming government will favor enabling other regional organizations to do the job.
Finally, the coalition agreement responds to concerns about Germany’s ability to be a reliable partner in NATO and EU military missions in a potentially more integrated EU defense organization.
But with China eager to flex the political, financial, and military muscles that it has developed over the last few decades, negotiating such a balance will be no easy feat.
To secure a stable balance of power, likeminded countries must stand together in backing a rules-based regional order, thereby compelling China to embrace international norms, including dispute settlement through peaceful negotiation, rather than military intimidation or outright force.
To this end, naval maneuvers, such as the annual US-India-Japan “Exercise Malabar,” are useful, as they strengthen military cooperation and reinforce maritime stability.
Granting special autonomy to the two most strife-ridden provinces - Aceh and Papua (Irian Jaya) - may also reduce tension between national and local military commanders.
Like many dictatorships before them, they may be the first to believe their own propaganda – in this case, that they can succeed against a South Korean foe that is not buttressed by American military might.
Advocates of this so-called “freeze for freeze” approach say that such a tradeoff is only fair: the North cannot be expected to suspend its efforts to strengthen its defensive capabilities if the US and South Korea are pursuing supposedly hostile military cooperation in its near-abroad.
But North Korea also knows that, without joint exercises, a military alliance becomes weak and hollow.
If the US suspends joint military exercises with South Korea, its willingness or ability to respond to North Korean aggression in the South may become similarly weak.
And Trump is right about one thing, even if he expresses it crudely: Europe, as well as Japan, has become too dependent on American military power.
So even if the end of Pax Americana does not result in military invasions, or world wars, we should ready ourselves for a time when we might recall the American Empire with fond nostalgia.
President Bush's military action in Afghanistan was largely unilateral, but was carried out against a backdrop of support from NATO allies and UN resolutions.
The US and Europe, for their part, have held firm on sanctions and regard Russia’s heightened military presence in the Arctic as provocative and unnecessary.
While the West accepts that Russia wants to strengthen its infrastructure in the region to support its economic and security interests, the Kremlin’s military maneuvers there remain a sore point.
Implicitly, this argument recognizes that Hiroshima was not a military target.
One might ask why the awesome power of the atomic bomb was not demonstrated to the Japanese with an attack on, say, a military site away from a city.
They could not possibly succeed in convincing the country’s powerful military establishment to place constraints on the development of the country’s nuclear arsenal.
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