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Military in sentence

8691 examples of Military in a sentence

But these calculations failed to take into account Pakistani security considerations – in particular, the military’s renewed fears about India’s intentions.
For some time, senior military officials have been concentrating on rooting out terrorism at home, and they have scored some impressive successes.
According to a senior Pakistani military official, India, in pursuit of its “Cold Start” military doctrine, is constructing eight bases at which heavy armor would be stationed.
“Tactical nuclear weapons,” the Pakistani military official explained, “will deter India from following through on this strategy.”
Hollande supported the military intervention in Libya in 2011, and has joined the condemnation of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad’s regime.
One of his close political allies recently declared that should the United Nations Security Council approve military intervention in Syria, France “could envision” participating in that effort.
Last but not least, Hollande is not likely to call into question Sarkozy’s decision in 2009 to reintegrate France into NATO’s military command.
The first difficulty is that, although Sharon evidently intends to go through with his military withdrawal from Gaza, he is vague about what he wants to achieve in future negotiations.
The military launched a major effort to help those affected.
And this was not the only crisis in which the military leadership seemed to be doing what the public thought was right.
The ISI seemed to be keeping its lines of communications open to some Taliban in the hope that they could be used as a reserve force in case of another military confrontation with India or a precipitous American withdrawal from Afghanistan.
Indeed, the prime minister’s team won at least one major contract – for the sale of military aircraft worth more than a billion dollars.
It came from the military.
The military’s high and positive profile seems to suggest that it is the only institution left in a tottering state that seems able to stabilize a delicate situation.
But will Pakistan’s military once more inject itself directly into the political arena, as it has done four times in the six decades since independence?
The difference between today and the periods that preceded other Pakistani coups is that an active civil society, an unconstrained electronic and print media, and an assertive judiciary may be able to keep the military in the barracks and force the politicians onto the right track.
The first threat is rooted in North Korea’s pursuit of enhanced military capabilities through a ballistic-missile program and the development of weapons of mass destruction (nuclear, chemical, and biological).
In recalibrating their WMD development and testing strategies, North Korea’s leaders hope to offset the military and technological superiority of the US-South Korea alliance, thereby attaining greater economic and political leverage in the region, and, most important, guaranteeing the regime’s survival.
At the same time, military forces need to become sufficiently flexible and robust to operate effectively under diverse scenarios.
Does the recently issued Joint Declaration on Defense Cooperation, which establishes intent to move beyond weapons sales to the co-production of military hardware,mark a turning point, or is it merely a contrivance to placate India?
With US military spending slowing and other export markets remaining tight, American defense firms are eager to expand sales to India, which is now the world’s largest arms importer.
And the political environment is amenable to their plans: India now conducts more joint military exercises with the US than with any other country.
It is now purchasing additional US weapons systems – 22 Apache attack helicopters, six C-130J turbo military transport aircraft, 15 Chinook heavy-lift helicopters, and 145 M-777 ultra-light howitzers – worth $5 billion.
The value of India’s arms contracts with US firms exceeds that of American military aid to any country except Israel.
For example, the US has declined to hold joint military exercises in the northeastern Indian state of Arunachal Pradesh, which China has claimed as “South Tibet” since 2006.
Would the US be willing to sell India offensive weapons – including high-precision conventional arms, anti-submarine systems, and long-range air- and sea-launched cruise missiles – that could help to deter Chinese military preemption?
Don’t expect Obama to confront the most controversial aspect of US relations with Africa: the American military’s new African command.
Bush, who created the command, gave the US Department of Defense new powers to work on civilian issues in Africa and to expand its military partnerships with governments in the region.
Obama isn’t likely to say whether he’ll scale back the US military role in the region, or whether America’s growing reliance on African oil is the real reason – not Obama’s heritage – for wooing Africans.
Military and foreign affairs – what the French system deems the president’s “reserve domain” – are always in the president’s personal control.
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