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Military in sentence

8691 examples of Military in a sentence

France supported a military coup the following year.
The same is true of Buddhists in Burma, who oppose the military junta.
The Algerian military coup in 1992 crushed the Islamists, many of whom, admittedly, were neither liberal, nor necessarily committed to democracy.
The war is likely to proceed because the US can carry out the military phase of the war largely on its own, and because the Bush Administration has no easy way to back down from its military mobilization.
But for the past two decades the division of Cyprus has been physical and military, ever since the Turkish government in 1974 sent troops to the north, and helped create a separate so-called Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC).
This was accompanied by an increase in armed violence against the police, the military, and journalists, as well as by incursions into politics and diversification of criminal income through kidnappings, extortion, piracy, and human trafficking.
American defense contractors are dependent on the billions the Kingdom spends on military hardware.
Instead, Secretary of State Henry Kissinger conceived a policy whereby Iran and Saudi Arabia, backed by unlimited US military hardware, would police the Gulf.
Though he vowed “severe punishment” if the Saudis did indeed kill Khashoggi, he refused to countenance canceling military contracts, instead lamenting what their loss would mean for American jobs.
Following the 2013 military coup that toppled Egypt’s democratically elected government, Israeli leaders urged US officials to embrace the generals.
Economic failure could fuel further nationalist, xenophobic tendencies – and even trigger military conflict.
Even Nigeria's Goodluck Jonathan, who heads the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and supports military intervention against Gbagbo, cannot escape such scrutiny unscathed.
In the following centuries, Europeans would use their economic, cultural, political, and especially military dominance to siphon off the world’s wealth.
At the same time, the US has long pursued military superiority.
The message was that the US cannot hope to regain absolute military superiority, even if it decides to bleed itself dry in an arms race, as the Soviet Union did.
The balance of military, political, economic, and moral power has simply shifted too far away from the West to be reversed.
Saddam's Stalingrad StrategyExpert in internal repression but utterly incompetent in military strategy, Saddam Hussein thinks that he can fight and win.
Such policing can be a tool of both information and deterrence, and can thus serve as an effective component of a broader strategy, including measures ranging from beefing up border police and intelligence services to military intervention in the Middle East or Africa.
And let’s not forget that US voters have no appetite for more military action in the Middle East, even if the price is years of civil war and the implosion and fragmentation of a country bordering Israel, Jordan, Iraq, Turkey, and Lebanon.
That is just over 0.5% of the annual military budget of roughly $718 billion.
The US military employs some three million people, making it the single largest employer in the world, and there is substantial political pressure from some constituencies to place the highest priority on America’s military dominance.
Governments don’t wait for war to break out before investing in the military.
The military dictatorship established by Park Chung-hee in 1962 adopted an aggressive economic development policy, partly to contain North Korea.
Even as the Bush administration was spinning the notion that the torture of prisoners was the work of “a few bad apples” low in the military hierarchy, I knew that we were seeing evidence of a systemic policy set at the top.
Three former military attorneys, recognizing this blunt truth, refused to participate in the “military tribunals” – rather, “show trials” – aimed at condemning men whose confessions were elicited through torture.
Why?It’s not as if the sex crimes that US leaders either authorized or tolerated are not staring Americans in the face: the images of male prisoners with their heads hooded with women’s underwear; the documented reports of female US soldiers deployed to smear menstrual blood on the faces of male prisoners, and of military interrogators or contractors forcing prisoners to simulate sex with each other, to penetrate themselves with objects, or to submit to being penetrated by objects.
Just as sex criminals – and the leaders who directed the use of rape and sexual abuse as a military strategy – were tried and sentenced after the wars in Bosnia and Sierra Leone, so Americans must hold accountable those who committed, or authorized, sex crimes in US-operated prisons.
Throughout the world, this perverse and graphic criminality has added fuel to anxiety about US cultural and military power.
If one dates the cyber-security problem not from the beginning of the Internet in the 1970s, but from the late 1990s, when burgeoning participation made the Internet the substrate for economic and military interdependence (and thus increased our vulnerability), cooperation is now at about the two-decade mark.
Its lack of vision, divisions, obsession with legal frameworks, unwillingness to project military power, and sclerotic economy are contrasted with a United States more dominant even than Rome…But the problem is not Europe – it is our outdated understanding of power.”
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