Military
in sentence
8691 examples of Military in a sentence
In 2010, the South Korean public was sharply critical of the military’s failure to retaliate immediately following the North’s sinking of the Cheonan, a South Korean warship carrying more than 100 personnel, and its shelling of Yeonpyeong Island later that year.
If an unyielding South becomes engaged in another
military
game of chicken with the often-audacious and always-erratic North, the results could be catastrophic.
Without such an approach, North and South Korea could, before long, be locked in another
military
standoff.
Moreover, as long as the summit is in play, North Korea need not fear a US
military
strike.
Moreover, trucks carrying goods between Palestinian towns and villages now must unload and reload their cargo before entering each town so as to allow the Israeli
military
to inspect the shipment.
The emergence of such a future would present the world with a stark choice: either acquiesce to an Iran that possesses or could quickly assemble a nuclear device, or launch a preventive
military
attack designed to destroy much of the Iranian nuclear program.
Examining the US-led coalition's prewar actions may well expose official deception and manipulation in making the case for
military
intervention.
Coalition
military
officials recognize the obvious: without proof of Saddam Hussein's demise, resistance by his hardcore supporters would inevitably continue.
What to Expect From the 44th PresidentNEW YORK – Campaigns, be they political or military, are waged to be won, and the current American presidential campaign is no exception.
Consistent with this, the US
military
presence is decreasing.
Behind this prediction is a widely shared assessment that the trends in Afghanistan (unlike in Iraq) are negative, and that the US must strengthen its
military
presence there and revise its strategy if the Taliban are not to gain the upper hand.
Here, Barack Obama appears more willing to have the US launch unilateral
military
raids against terrorists should the opportunity arise.
With a strained
military
and a struggling economy, the next president will often have little choice other than to talk.
There is something of a consensus, for example, emerging around the notion that the US should remain in Iraq for some time to come, albeit with a reduced level of
military
forces.
In Myanmar, despite bitter resistance from the
military
regime, Ban pressured the authorities to let in humanitarian aid after Cyclone Nargis devastated the country last year.
But, wherever the truth may lie, few critics take into account that he, like all former UN chief executives, has to deal with the reality that he possesses only moral power, not economic, military, or political power.
In fact, it is equivalent to roughly 1% of annual global GDP, 18 months of US
military
spending, or one-twentieth of US national debt.
Ironically, there is one area in which large budget cuts are certainly warranted: the
military.
The problem for the rich is that, other than
military
spending, there is no place to cut the budget other than in areas of core support for the poor and working class.
If train traffic on certain routes increased, it suggested that army food supplies were being delivered, thus hinting at impending
military
action.
Likewise, shipments of toilet paper are amazingly accurate indicators of
military
activity.
It has not prosecuted the perpetrators of the 2008 Mumbai massacre, or constrained the terrorist forces that operate, with the complicity of the
military
establishment, on its territory.
The
military
does.
After World War II, the US picked up the interventionist mantle, following a CIA-backed
military
coup in Syria in 1949 with another CIA operation to topple Iran’s Mohammad Mossadegh in 1953 (to keep the West in control of the country’s oil).
The US established
military
bases throughout the region, and repeated failed operations by the CIA have left massive supplies of armaments in the hands of violent foes of the US and Europe.
Iran’s leaders, alarmed that they were being encircled, lost no time in offering the West a grand bargain covering all contentious issues, from nuclear-weapons development – they halted their
military
nuclear program – to regional security, including the Israeli-Palestinian peace process and their backing of Hezbollah and Hamas.
And that is precisely what countries like Egypt and Saudi Arabia are doing, having established a joint Arab
military
force to fight Iranian influence in the region, as well as discreet security links with Israel, another self-declared victim of the framework agreement.
As a result, Turkey now finds itself collaborating with Saudi Arabia in backing the Al Nusra Front, the Syrian arm of Al Qaeda, which captured Idlib in the first major
military
setback for Assad in recent months.
After all,
military
power is about its potential use, not the rationalizations for its existence.
By doing so, it opened the way to
military
dictatorship.
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