Manufacturing
in sentence
1925 examples of Manufacturing in a sentence
A vibrant rural sector can generate demand for locally produced goods and services, thereby stimulating sustainable employment growth in agro-processing, services, and small-scale
manufacturing.
The
manufacturing
sector, too, could be built up; at the moment, the kingdom has only small-scale domestic manufacturing, despite being one of the largest markets in the region for cars, machinery, and other capital goods.
The culprit in this pessimistic view is the so-called "Balassa-Samuelson" effect: rapid productivity growth in the accession candidates' tradable sectors - export manufacturing, for example - is pushing up real wages throughout their economies, including in non-tradable sectors like services.
Moreover, large emerging-market economies such as China, Brazil, and India can use their comparative advantages in infrastructure and light
manufacturing
to help others.
But China’s comparative advantages in 46 of 97 subsectors – particularly in
manufacturing
– benefit other developing countries, too.
In fact, China could soon become the world’s largest net creditor, and a portion of its net foreign assets will take the form of patient capital that is suitable for improving infrastructure, developing
manufacturing
sectors, and creating jobs around the world.
Cao explained that his recent $600 million investment to establish a US
manufacturing
branch for his company, Fuyao Glass Industry Group, was driven largely by China’s high taxes, which Cao claims are 35% higher for manufacturers in China than in the US.
They should position themselves to capture from China “100 million labor-intensive
manufacturing
jobs; enough to more than quadruple
manufacturing
employment in low-income countries.”
Indeed, India has leapfrogged over the
manufacturing
sector, going straight from agriculture into services.
Can service be as dynamic as
manufacturing?
But the potential for explosive growth has usually been seen only in the
manufacturing
sector.
To be sure, the causal connection remains uncertain: after all, there is also a positive relationship – widely accepted in development economics – between
manufacturing
growth and overall growth.
But what has been overlooked is that the effect of services growth on aggregate economic growth appears to be as strong, if not stronger, than the effect of
manufacturing
growth on overall growth.
Indeed, productivity growth in India’s service sector matches productivity growth in China’s
manufacturing
sector, thereby reducing poverty by enabling wages to rise.
It seemed as if the “bottom billion” would have to wait their turn for development, until giant industrializers like China became rich and uncompetitive in labor-intensive
manufacturing.
The globalization of services, however, provides alternative opportunities for developing countries to find niches, beyond manufacturing, where they can specialize, scale up, and achieve explosive growth, just like the industrializers.
That comparative advantage can just as easily be in services as in
manufacturing
or agriculture.
Ukraine’s industrial and
manufacturing
infrastructure evolved under the Soviet Union as a compliment to Russia’s resource base.
Now, having lost Ukraine’s industrial and
manufacturing
base, and with Europe more determined than ever to reduce its dependence on Russian energy supplies, the Kremlin will need to turn eastward toward China, which will be happy to see Russia remain a resource economy in thrall to it.
And, like many of them, China is now facing a “middle-income trap”: as wages rise, its low-end
manufacturing
is losing global competitiveness while government policies, endemic corruption, and dominant state-owned enterprises are stifling the type of private-sector innovation that China needs most to generate products and services with higher added value.
The US government was powerless in the face of an undervalued yen, fueling the belief that the rest of the world was using the dollar to attack America's
manufacturing
base.
In the meantime, the rise of the euro against the dollar creates substantial European pain for
manufacturing
exporters.
For example, Japan is in a good position to exploit synergies between an improved health-care sector and its world-class
manufacturing
capabilities, in the development of medical instrumentation.
Higher interest rates will undercut construction jobs and increase the value of the dollar, leading to larger trade deficits and fewer
manufacturing
jobs – just the opposite of what Trump promised.
Trump’s cabinet of billionaires could continue to buy their Gucci handbags and $10,000 Ivanka bracelets, but ordinary Americans’ cost of living would increase substantially; and without components from Mexico and elsewhere,
manufacturing
jobs would become even scarcer.
(The Petri-Plummer model does indicate that the TPP will accelerate the movement of jobs from
manufacturing
to services, a result that the pact’s advocates do not trumpet.)
Elsewhere, rail links between China and Vietnam, road developments connecting India and Bangladesh, and new ports, harbors, and pipelines in Myanmar and Pakistan are forging a new form of economic unity alongside the region’s
manufacturing
supply chains.
In the meantime,
manufacturing
workers are voting with their feet – and their picket lines.
The good news, as Roach observes, is that the service sector places less burden on natural resources and creates more employment than
manufacturing.
The problem is more than just the tendency of productivity to grow more slowly in services than
manufacturing.
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