Loans
in sentence
1648 examples of Loans in a sentence
Official statistics show a slowdown in real growth in the old manufacturing and construction-based economy, reflected in declining corporate profits, rising defaults, and an increase in non-performing
loans
in poorer-performing cities and regions.
And, while foreign lenders are happy to extend RMB loans, they are not welcome by foreign borrowers.
The cynical, and increasingly popular, view is that they were again voting their pocketbooks – all financial legislation in the run-up to the 2008 crisis was supposedly driven by the financial sector’s appetite for more customers to devour with teaser
loans
and dubious mortgages.
Or the change might come more suddenly, with, say, the discovery of large pockets of toxic
loans
that are unlikely to be repaid.
After all, who could be against an activity that produces uplifting stories like the cell phone ladies of Bangladesh, who lift themselves out of poverty by obtaining
loans
to buy phones and then selling minutes to others in the village.
The benefits of microfinance are in danger of being over-hyped – there are not that many successful micro-businesses that the poor can start solely with the help of loans, because skills and management abilities are also often necessary.
Emergency
loans
are equally important.
When children fall sick, parents do not have the time to apply for a loan from a state-owned bank (perhaps the only alternative source of
loans
for the poor other than the moneylender).
But micro-financiers may have no choice: given the small size of the loans, the costs of processing them and collecting payments are relatively large, driving up the break-even interest rate.
Politicians gained influence and popular support by directing state-owned banks to make
loans
to favored constituencies.
For example, in Uganda, banks now extend
loans
to women to buy land; women in the Democratic Republic of Congo can officially register their businesses; and, in Indonesia, women can use alternative forms of collateral to obtain
loans.
In much of Sub-Saharan Africa, women’s applications for business
loans
are rejected.
In Latin America, women entrepreneurs can sometimes obtain loans, though usually less than requested.
DFCU Bank in Uganda, for example, has built a successful portfolio of business loans, leases, and mortgages that target women entrepreneurs.
But the IMF refrains from actually disbursing its own loans, pending a more satisfactory outcome on overall financing assurances (in this case, proper debt relief for Greece).
For these sectors, rapid investment-driven growth in the past decade has produced a mountain of excess capacity, reflected in stagnant prices and the banking sector’s soaring volume of bad loans, as price wars squeeze profitability and stimulate real-estate speculation.
The essential story of the eurozone crisis is that banks in France and Germany reported profits on money they had lent to southern Europe and passed the bad
loans
to the European Central Bank.
Despite government subsidies and cheap loans, soaring labor costs proved too much to bear amid the economic downturn, and these companies were forced to reduce hiring.
It is precisely the gap between the profitability of its investment and the interest rate it pays on
loans
that allows a poor country to prosper.
Frightened lenders may then not only refuse to extend new loans, but also demand repayment of old ones.
The first strategy is equivalent to having a family forego all
loans
when buying its own home.
Local
loans
also tend to be in domestic currency, so borrowers are shielded from exchange-rate risk.
Regulators use two key measures to mitigate such risk-taking: they require banks to hold more capital and to keep investments, loans, and operations safer (and potentially less profitable) than the banks want them to be.
General government debt is not the whole story for Italy, even setting aside the private debt loads and the recent renewed upturn in nonperforming bank
loans
(a daunting legacy of the financial crisis).
This induces lenders to provide not only NINJA (no income, no job, no assets) mortgages, but also generous
loans
to real-estate developers to build ever larger mansions and housing estates.
Second, much of the financing for Greece’s debts came from German and French banks that earned huge profits by intermediating
loans
from their own countries and from Asia.
Likewise,
loans
by eurozone governments to Ireland, Portugal, and Spain primarily bailed out insolvent local banks – and thus their German creditors.
To make matters worse, in exchange for these loans, Merkel obtained much greater control over all eurozone governments’ budgets through a demand-sapping, democracy-constraining fiscal straitjacket: tougher eurozone rules and a fiscal compact.
Instead, up to now at least, the government has mostly been providing (high-interest)
loans
rather than engaging in massive equity buyouts.
Given that a dollar in new bank
loans
increases the money supply by a dollar, banks are not financial intermediaries; they are money creators.
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