Loans
in sentence
1648 examples of Loans in a sentence
Beyond the provision of cheap credit and concessional
loans
is the global export of China’s way of doing business.
As part of its quest for a global currency that could rival the dollar or the euro, a cash-rich China plans to extend renminbi
loans
to the other BRICS members.
Small business
loans
have been pivotal in creating not only new businesses, but whole new industries.
And it established mechanisms to resolve problems related to non-performing
loans
in the private sector.
Add to this total the substantial spending by China, Arab states, and Latin American countries in the form of investments and loans, and it is clear that flows of ODA toward the developing world have reached unprecedented levels.
Guarantees, soft loans, and equity investments backed by development aid can help attract investors, as has occurred with solar energy projects in Mali and manufacturing plants in Ethiopia.
His 60-point plan included reforms of fiscal policy and the financial sector that would set market interest rates on
loans
and deposits, permit some private-investor participation in state-owned enterprises, increase the role of small and medium-size enterprises, loosen labor restrictions, and introduce property taxes to boost revenue for local authorities.
So they rushed to gas pumps, to jewelry shops, and to creditors to repay
loans.
The IMF has transformed itself into a purveyor of aid in the form of dollar
loans
to the rulers of the Third and postcommunist worlds.
Heavily subsidized, the
loans
are attractive to borrowing governments, especially those whose credit ratings have plummeted.
Short-term
loans
are tied up in long-term projects.
Every investor wants to be the first out, because existing short-term assets cannot cover short-term
loans.
In fact, the causality is the reverse: the reason why government interest rates in the UK and elsewhere are so low is that interest rates for private-sector
loans
are so high.
But whether Jay Powell’s Fed would respond as creatively as Bernanke’s in 2008 – providing “back-to-back”
loans
to non-member banks in distress, for example – is an open question.
Though median households are generally benefiting from lower borrowing costs, wealthier households are benefiting much more, thanks in part to savings on mortgage loans, which are highest relative to income for the upper middle class.
I know of very few Western countries where small and medium-size companies, as well as middle-income households and those of more limited means, have not experienced a significant decline in their access to credit – not just new financing, but also the ability to roll over old credit lines and
loans.
It is composed of highly profitable multinational companies, now investing and hiring workers; advanced economies’ rescued banks paying off their emergency bailout loans; the growing middle and upper classes in emerging economies buying more goods and services; a healthier private sector paying more taxes, thereby alleviating pressure on government budgets; and Germany, Europe’s economic power, reaping the fruit of years of economic restructuring.
In exchange for emergency loans, all three countries have embarked on massive austerity.
They have also aggravated the weakness of external finances, contributing to a sharp drop in international reserves that has been contained only by exceptional
loans
and deposits from abroad.
What Egypt needs today cannot be provided only by IMF
loans
and asset leases.
Official development assistance can create incentives to cooperate by financing data-collection, providing technical know-how, or, indeed, by conditioning
loans
on constructive negotiations.
Housing payments are higher because mortgages are of short duration (an average of ten years) and tight loan-to-value restrictions force borrowers to seek additional higher-cost
loans
from second-tier deposit institutions and non-financial companies.
Another channel of corruption involved cheap
loans
from Russia's central bank to new private banks.
Loans
were made in rubles which banks converted into dollars on the black market and stashed abroad in massive capital flight.
Loans
were repaid in heavily depreciated rubles at a fraction of their value.
Moreover, China’s fiscal position remains strong: even after accounting for all sorts of contingent liabilities – such as local-government loans, large project loans, and commercial banks’ non-performing
loans
in the event of a housing-market crash, China’s public debt/GDP ratio is still below 60%.
Finally, the PBOC still has ample room to lower the reserve ratio and benchmark interest rate, which still stand at 20% and 6% (for one year loans), respectively, without much fear of stoking inflation.
Between 1995 and 1999, it spent roughly €3.4 billion in the region, to which the European Investment Bank added a further €4.8 billion in
loans.
From 2000 to 2006, Europe spent another €5.35 billion, and the EIB approved €6.4 billion in
loans.
But the PBOC’s monetary easing – accompanied by complementary fiscal and administrative adjustments – has done little to increase demand for new
loans.
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