Invasion
in sentence
775 examples of Invasion in a sentence
Even before the invasion, there was overwhelming evidence that Bush was lying.
Blinded By ISISMADRID – The general consensus emerging since last month’s carnage in Paris seems to be that the Islamic State (ISIS) can be defeated only by a ground
invasion
of its “state.”
That is just one reason why an
invasion
of the caliphate, with local armies supported by Western airstrikes, could have devastating unintended consequences – think of George W. Bush’s
invasion
of Iraq.
Indeed, even if such a division of labor could be agreed, a ground
invasion
that denies ISIS its territorial base in Iraq and Syria would merely push it to redeploy in a region that is collapsing into various no man’s lands.
Some of the consequences of a Western-backed Arab
invasion
of the caliphate are no less predictable for being “unintended.”
Prime Minister Vladimir Putin’s recent article for the Polish newspaper Gazeta Wyborcza – written to commemorate the 60th anniversary of the Nazi
invasion
of Poland – expresses his determination to make twentieth-century European history a major part of the Russian government’s business.
The United States failed to strike this balance with respect to its 2003
invasion
of Iraq.
Neither the vast majority of US soldiers nor Americans as individuals have done anything wrong in Iraq (apart from the
invasion
itself), and thus might balk at allegations of collective guilt for the atrocities.
The aggressive rhetoric of Clinton’s successor, George W. Bush, who called Iran part of an “axis of evil” prior to the US-led
invasion
of Iraq, made Khamenei apprehensive, and he endorsed an initiative for a dialogue with the Americans in 2003.
I was one of those who opposed the US-led
invasion
of Iraq in 2003.
Parts of the
invasion
and occupation were certainly badly mishandled by the US, leading to a much greater loss of life than was necessary.
But, taking the long view, can anyone doubt that the
invasion
had the effect of shaking up the pieces, not just in Iraq, but across the Islamic chessboard?
Surely, this sentiment can be traced back to the US
invasion
and forcible overthrow of Saddam Hussein.
Such perceptions contributed to the justification of the
invasion
of Iraq in 2003 and to the international dismantling of most Syrian weapons in 2014.
The recovery of this far-flung British dependency, whose citizens were resolutely committed to remaining British subjects after the Argentine invasion, was a daring military act.
When Georgia, which had been flirting with NATO membership, mounted a military response to attacks by secessionists in South Ossetia, an ethnic enclave whose government had been backed by the Kremlin for more than a decade, Russia launched a full-scale
invasion
to protect the region.
Not unlike North Korea’s and Iran’s defiant nuclear policies, Bashar’s membership in the region’s “axis of evil” is a call for dialogue with America, not an invitation to an invasion, and for a settlement with Israel, not a drive to wage war on it.
This, together with the fact that China has cut lending to Russia since the Crimea invasion, suggests that, in the longer term, the Chinese envision Russia as a natural-resource vassal, not an equal ally.
It undermined the critical process that is at the heart of an open society by treating any criticism of the administration’s policies as unpatriotic, thereby allowing Bush to order the
invasion
of Iraq.
And Iraq’s
invasion
of Kuwait in August 1990 led to a spike in oil prices at a time when a US banking crisis was already tipping America into recession.
Unfortunately, this appears to have been lost on the neo-conservatives in the Bush administration, for whom it was the
invasion
of Iraq and its liberation from Saddam Hussein that was supposed to provide a beacon for a wave of democratization that would transform the Middle East.
Indeed, the
invasion
of Iraq also hurt Turkey, both economically and by strengthening the base for the Kurdish terrorist PKK organization operating from northern Iraq.
The Syrian Threat to International LawLONDON – Russia’s
invasion
of Ukraine and annexation of Crimea have jeopardized global security and dominated the headlines.
Russia discovered that when it invoked the “responsibility to protect” doctrine to try to justify its 2008
invasion
of Georgia.
And the
invasion
of Iraq in 2003 is a gift that keeps on giving to the world’s malcontents: embracing the Security Council only when you get your way, but ignoring or undermining it when you don’t, is no way to promote a cooperative rule-based international order.
This was always the showstopper in Darfur: any attempted
invasion
of Sudan would have been disastrous for the two million displaced people, and would have re-ignited the country’s even deadlier north-south conflict.
This test explains the effective impunity of China, Russia, or any other major power; however badly it behaves internally, any attempted
invasion
would trigger a much larger conflagration.
Obama’s proposal to strike Syria, by contrast, is an attempt to enforce an important human-rights norm by directly punishing – through means that do not involve
invasion
and occupation – those who committed a gross violation.
In a third case, Europe at the end of the 1930’s, we do not know what would have happened had Europe not become a battlefield following Nazi Germany’s
invasion
of Poland.
Invasion
could take place at summer's end.
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