Annexation
in sentence
281 examples of Annexation in a sentence
As a devout Muslim, he took a particular interest in Timbuktu, already a center of religion and learning prior to its
annexation.
The two countries are still divided on many issues, from Syrian President Bashar al-Assad’s future to Black Sea security and the
annexation
of Crimea.
With or without the World Cup, oil-price volatility and international sanctions imposed in response to Putin’s 2014
annexation
of Crimea will continue to darken Russia’s economic prospects and diminish ordinary Russians’ standard of living.
(That understanding was undoubtedly facilitated by Israel’s neutrality on Russia’s
annexation
of Crimea and arming of separatists in Ukraine.)
Russia’s
annexation
of Crimea violated international law and called into question the very foundations of Europe’s security architecture.
And Russia’s
annexation
of Crimea has rendered obsolete the Budapest Memorandum.
Russian President Vladimir Putin’s invasion of Ukraine and
annexation
of Crimea was met with heavy economic sanctions from Europe and the United States, weakening Russia’s ties with the West and leaving the Kremlin eager to strengthen ties with China.
Last May, shortly after the
annexation
of Crimea, Russia announced a $400 billion deal to supply 38 billion cubic meters (bcm) of gas to China annually for 30 years, beginning in 2019.
The Russian Threat Runs Out of FuelBRUSSELS – For Europe, the defining event of 2014 was Russia’s
annexation
of Crimea and military intervention in eastern Ukraine’s Donbas region.
Initially aimed at creating a security fence along the green line, the 1967 borders of Israel, it has gradually stretched across that would-be boundary, confiscating Palestinian land and amounting to a de facto
annexation
of a large part of the West Bank.
Add to that America’s weak response to Russia’s
annexation
of Crimea, and it is no wonder that Israeli and Palestinian leaders have dismissed its peace overtures.
Immediately after Nazi Germany’s
annexation
of Austria, Adolf Hitler turned his attention to the ethnic Germans living in Czechoslovakia’s Sudetenland.
Indeed, Putin’s pretext for occupation and
annexation
– to protect the local population – is the same as Hitler’s.
If Putin has similar designs, he would begin with Crimea’s
annexation
– now seemingly a done deal – followed by a direct military presence in eastern Ukraine (where Russian troops are massing at the border), and possibly some kind of partition in the longer term.
But the Sudetenland’s
annexation
was, first and foremost, aimed at helping to restore Germany’s “great power” status.
According to the independent Levada Center, Putin’s approval rating increased from 65% in January to 80% in March, immediately after Russia’s
annexation
of Crimea.
His 63-65% approval rating prior to the
annexation
of Crimea appeared high by Western standards, but was low compared to his previous record – and dangerously close to levels that would threaten his leadership.
The strategy that emerged, beginning with the
annexation
of Crimea, delivered results almost immediately.
Ongoing conflicts, such as Syria’s bloody civil war and Russia’s
annexation
of Crimea and intervention in Eastern Ukraine, directly affect EU member states’ security, economies, and societies.
Consider, by contrast, Italy’s
annexation
of South Tyrol, a predominantly German-speaking region.
Even as our Russian interlocutors agreed on the importance of cooperation in the Arctic, they vigorously supported their country’s
annexation
of Crimea and insisted that US sanctions on Russian oil and gas projects in the Arctic have dangerously injected geopolitical issues into the region.
When public support for Putin’s
annexation
of Crimea wanes – as it will – his failings will shine more starkly in the light of the MH17 catastrophe.
In Europe, the strategies that have emerged – trivializing the
annexation
of Crimea or treating Putin as a madman – are self-defeating.
Obviously, the Kremlin did not expect the West’s firm and united reaction to its
annexation
of Crimea.
Russia’s invasion and
annexation
of Crimea has triggered unintended tectonic shifts in international politics.
The Kremlin is seeking more than the
annexation
of Crimea and control over the Donbas rust belt; its aim is to prevent Ukraine from going West, force it to turn East, and quash any risk within Russia’s wider orbit of further revolutions like the one that brought down Yanukovych.
Official surveys insist that 86% of Russians – and it is usually 86% – support him on everything from the
annexation
of Crimea to his latest term as president.
In the wake of Russia’s
annexation
of Crimea, for example, Harper was the only G-7 leader to visit Kyiv, where he drew stark – if questionable – historical parallels between Russia’s actions and Germany’s
annexation
of the Sudetenland region of Czechoslovakia in 1938.
But it is also true that Park – who has refused to meet formally with Abe until he addresses lingering issues over Japan’s
annexation
of Korea – has used history to pander to domestic nationalist sentiment.
Putin insisted that the drop in Russian GDP – some 3.7% in the last year – had been caused primarily by plummeting oil prices, offering only a brief mention of the Western sanctions imposed in response to his
annexation
of Crimea.
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