Invasion
in sentence
775 examples of Invasion in a sentence
By the time Israel withdrew from Lebanon in 2000, nearly 20 years after its original invasion, Hezbollah had become a formidable military, political, and social force in Lebanon, and a continuing thorn in Israel’s side.
Saddam Hussein’s
invasion
of Kuwait in 1991 shocked the world oil market.
Putin’s claim that democratization is actually an American plot “to gain unilateral advantages” resonates with many societies following the disastrous
invasion
of Iraq and revelations about the National Security Agency’s spying on citizens and leaders worldwide.
With Saddam’s
invasion
of Kuwait in 1990, however, the US turned on him, and has been entwined in Iraq’s politics ever since, including two wars, sanction regimes, the toppling of Saddam in 2003, and repeated attempts, as recently as this month, to install a government that it considered acceptable.
Key military figures’ tacit backing for the Turkish Parliament’s refusal to endorse the March 2003 US-led
invasion
of Iraq suggests that Turkish nationalism could unite the AKP’s rank-and-file MPs with their otherwise implacable foes in the secular camp.
The decisive role that the Iraq
invasion
played in the rise of ISIS, as well as in the ongoing collapse of the liberal international order, should have served as a warning to policymakers who would delegate America’s national security to politically unaccountable decision-makers.
Many observers believe that Bush has set a new course because the
invasion
of Iraq seems to fly in the face of these objectives.
Faced with the possibility of
invasion
and defeat, Saddam threatened to burn Iraq's oil fields.
As the US planned its invasion, securing the oil fields became a critical priority.
Before the invasion, Iraq's oil production capacity reached three million barrels per day.
A key factor in unleashing the current chaos – which represents the convergence of numerous deep-rooted challenges and conflicts – was America’s 2003
invasion
of Iraq.
After all, British public opinion first began to turn in favor of EU membership after the failed Suez
invasion
of 1956, which taught the country that, bereft of empire, it could no longer execute an effective foreign policy on its own.
During previous Middle East conflicts – such as the 1973 Yom Kippur War, Iran’s Islamic Revolution in 1979, and Iraq’s
invasion
of Kuwait in 1990 – oil-supply shocks caused global stagflation and sharp stock-market corrections.
The efficiency of the initial American military
invasion
of Iraq in 2003 created admiration in the eyes of some foreigners.
But it was only after the
invasion
of Poland the following year that Churchill was appointed First Lord of the Admiralty, and he became Prime Minister only after the
invasion
of France in 1940, when Britain stood alone.
To be sure, the US has long pursued a unilateralist foreign policy, exemplified by George W. Bush’s 2003
invasion
of Iraq and Barack Obama’s 2011 overthrow of Muammar el-Qaddafi’s regime in Libya.
And Russia’s
invasion
of Ukraine has apparently become a semi-frozen conflict, but one that could reignite at any time.
After official US claims about weapons of mass destruction and about a connection to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, became untenable, Bush increasingly emphasized the argument that America’s
invasion
was justified to remove a tyrant, Saddam Hussein, and thus to free the Iraqi people.
This devastation is even more dramatic because, since the
invasion
four years ago, only 3,183 Iraqis have been resettled in third countries.
The United States is a bad example: only 692 refugees have been accepted since the
invasion
– roughly the number of Iraqis who are killed every week.
Yet the
invasion
went ahead.
As Yan Xuetong of Tsinghua University explained to me shortly after the US
invasion
of Iraq, a country’s support for intervention reflects a recognition of its own power.
The
invasion
of Afghanistan could be justified on the grounds that the Taliban provided Bin Laden and Al Qaeda with a secure training ground.
Unfortunately, however, the US-led
invasion
of Afghanistan and the subsequent
invasion
– without UN authority – of Iraq underscore the primacy of military solutions in the strategic thinking of affluent nations.
The aggressor gains an advantage from concealment and secrecy – hallmarks of the “hybrid” warfare that the Baltics have feared, particularly since Russia’s
invasion
of Ukraine.
While Bush’s
invasion
of Panama to capture (and later put on trial) Manuel Noriega may have violated Panamanian sovereignty, it had a degree of de facto legitimacy, given Noriega’s notorious behavior.
But, following the US-led
invasion
in 2003, southern Iraq was opened to forces known as Propagation of Virtue and Prevention of Vice (PVPV) – militant gangs and individuals committed to archaic Islamic rule and suppression of women’s rights.
Georgia must also be helped to recover from the damage inflicted by the Russian invasion, but help should be contingent on the Saakashvili regime observing the principles of open society.
Russia’s August 2008
invasion
of Georgia produced a sterner variation: “No strategic partnership is possible if the values of democracy, respect for human rights, and the rule of law are not fully shared and respected.”
It was the collapse of these brutal systems in the wake of the United States-led
invasion
of Iraq in 2003 and the Arab Spring of 2011 that created the current refugee crisis.
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