Institutions
in sentence
6844 examples of Institutions in a sentence
Investment funds other than MMFs account for 29% of total, and SIVs make up 9%, but the shadow system also includes public financial
institutions
(such as the government-backed mortgage lender Fannie Mae in the US).
They pioneered new retail institutions, from department stores to box stores.
It may be called an emerging market, but it has first rate financial, educational and research
institutions.
On the first question, one hypothesis is that new digital technologies are changing the structural incentives for corporations, political parties, and other major
institutions.
Preparation of effective defense of the state is unthinkable without a greater or lesser degree of participation of all the state's
institutions.
In order to avoid asset fire-sales – which would have led to the disorderly unraveling of private-sector balance sheets, possibly triggering a new “Great Depression” or even bringing down the eurozone – advanced countries’ central banks began to purchase risky assets and increase lending to financial institutions, thus expanding the money supply.
The actions looked like a clear contravention of Article 21 of the ECB’s Statute, which forbids credit facilities to governments or to European Union
institutions.
It then spread to financial
institutions
that could not cope with the losses associated with mortgage delinquencies, foreclosures, and the depreciation of housing-related securities.
That creates a vicious cycle: the bailout option for too-big-to-fail banks concentrates the derivatives market among a few major institutions, increasing further their systemic importance.
In the important work of adapting educational
institutions
for the future, we must not lose sight of their core mission as articulated in the past.
The major global economic
institutions
struggled to adapt quickly enough.
Indeed, both advanced and emerging economies have long balked at the notion of strengthening regional and international
institutions
by delegating more national authority to them.
The Fed, its critics complain, has used its expansive powers to engage in a range of unprecedented interventions that have propped up large financial
institutions.
The risk here is that providing too much information in real time about the securities that the Fed is buying and the
institutions
that it is helping could destabilize markets.
It must also avoid destabilizing financial markets and
institutions.
Knitting together 17 disparate economies, cultures, and
institutions
was a monumental undertaking, fraught with risk.
That sets the stage for three broad scenarios, each with implications for the European and global economy, the financial and banking system, and relations between the member states and EU
institutions.
Under the Articles of Confederation, the 13 former British colonies had created a common market, with common institutions, including a central bank.
Some academic economists, as well as the rare policymaker (such as the late Tommaso Padoa-Schioppa), called for centralized supervision of financial
institutions
long before the euro crisis erupted.
In particular, the IMF now recognizes that capital-account liberalization requires countries to reach a certain threshold with respect to financial and governance institutions, and that many emerging-market and developing countries have not.
After all, blocked export opportunities, weak government institutions, and high levels of corruption are worldwide problems.
Journalism’s essential role in a democracy is to enable people to fulfill their roles as citizens by providing information about government, other powerful institutions, civil movements, international events, and so on.
When Italy’s postwar party system collapsed in the early 1990’s, Berlusconi was able to establish his own political party, win power, and, over the course of three governments, bend laws and government
institutions
to serve his business and personal interests.
The credibility of Europe’s national supervisory agencies has been irreparably damaged in recent years, owing to financial stress tests that gave clean bills of health to
institutions
– Laiki Bank of Cyprus and Bankia of Spain, among others – whose balance sheets were later found to have enormous holes.
It might also be expected to take a more objective view of the
institutions
that it supervises – one that is insulated from the influence of national politics.
At the recent European Banking Conference in Frankfurt, there was near-unanimous agreement that a functioning banking union requires a central resolution authority (to deal with failing financial institutions) and a mutually guaranteed deposit-protection fund (to boost confidence in weaker banks in the eurozone’s troubled economies).
Trust in governments and policymaking
institutions
remains – understandably – very low.
The bankers and traders of the latest crisis responded rationally to compensation and bonus schemes that allowed them to assume a lot of leverage and ensured large bonuses, but that were almost guaranteed to bankrupt a large number of financial
institutions
in the end.
If financial
institutions
do not have enough capital, and shareholders don’t have enough of their own skin in the game, they will push CEOs and bankers to take on too much leverage and risks, because their own net worth is not at stake.
Greed has to be controlled by fear of loss, which derives from knowledge that the reckless
institutions
and agents will not be bailed out.
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