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Institutions in sentence

6844 examples of Institutions in a sentence

Parliaments and multilateral institutions must do a better job at facilitating cooperative policy implementation, which will require a willingness to reform outmoded institutions, including political lobbying.
Values must be the road that leads to what cannot be reached by markets and institutions alone - the accession of Europe's citizens to the European Union.
The international financial institutions must support them massively, and also have the resources needed to foresee global unbalances and prevent crises, rather than respond only when events become urgent.
But, while globalization has created unprecedented opportunity, it has also unleashed a new form of systemic risk – one that threatens to devastate political institutions and national economies.
At the same time, populations are rejecting regional and global institutions.
But, despite employing tens of thousands of highly educated economists whose primary job is to determine how best to protect the financial system from globalization’s destabilizing effects, these institutions seem to be even less willing to act now than they were before the crisis.
Making matters worse, some of these countries have reduced their contributions and commitment to the reform of regional and global institutions, which are essential to managing systemic risks.
But wresting power back from regional and international institutions – however shadowy and distant they may seem – would only compound the problem, for it would reduce the ability to guide the supranational trends that are shaping the world’s future.
No, the real problem is that Europe has not created the union-wide institutions that an integrated financial market requires.
This reflects the absence of adequate political institutions at the center.
It places strains on each country’s institutions (seen in the pressure on Europe’s welfare states), breeds resentment against foreigners (witness the recent success of anti-immigration parties), and renders financial crises originating from abroad both likelier and costlier (as the current situation makes all too clear).
The first reactions have been mostly negative, because of specific concerns such as wage indexation in Belgium or because the EU institutions want to preserve their legal prerogatives.
This is why democratic institutions are so important: They enable those who have been harmed by reforms to receive compensation.
But Netanyahu has said that once negotiations start, “we will surprise everyone,” and the Palestinians have gone further than ever before in building the institutions needed for national independence.
Microfinance institutions, such as Bangladesh’s Grameen Bank, play a vital role in allowing self-employed women to build profitable businesses.
In this scenario, the UK’s access to the European market will be similar to what it has today, with somewhat more control over migration from the EU and an end to deference to EU institutions such as the European Court of Justice.
The main obstacle is that they won’t increase the profits of drug companies, on which, in the absence of adequate government funding, our professional organizations, conferences, journals, research, and teaching institutions have become so dependent.
While adopting a new treaty may look like an unwieldy process, ill-suited to managing a fast-moving modern financial crisis, it is the only way to generate legitimacy for the institutions that are needed to address that crisis – in particular to provide reassurance that transfers will not be indefinite and unlimited.
They command either veto power or a blocking minority in the Bretton Woods institutions (the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank), which gives them a disproportionate influence on the rules and practices that govern the international economic and monetary system.
And the advanced economies – particularly Europe – have shown little appetite for reforming outdated elements of governance and representation at the international financial institutions, despite major changes in the global economy.
Membership in effective international institutions brought these countries into consequential global policy discussions, while their own capabilities allowed them to exploit opportunities in cross-border production and consumption chains.
The second relationship is that between the Bretton Woods institutions and parallel institutional arrangements.
For example, while they pale in significance to, say, the World Bank, China-led institutions have proved appealing to a growing number of countries; most US allies have joined the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, despite American opposition.
In terms of international diplomacy, Trump’s trade war will help China present itself as the defender of the rules-based international order and multilateral institutions such as the World Trade Organization.
But the left’s willingness to overlook the dismantling of democratic institutions in Venezuela is more reminiscent of right-leaning Chicago-school economists’ relationships with Latin American dictators in the 1970s.
The absence of one in Venezuela is hardly a reflection of strong democratic institutions.
Without collective efforts to combat it, corruption will continue to erode public confidence in institutions and governments, impeding economic, political, and social development.
International institutions like the United Nations and the World Bank are working hard to encourage action in this area.
Keeping corruption at the top of political and business leaders’ agenda and ensuring that societies remain vigilant will require strong and sustained effort from actors at all levels – from international institutions to governments, businesses, and ordinary citizens.
The shadow banking system is complex, because it comprises a mix of institutions and vehicles.
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