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Incomes in sentence

1233 examples of Incomes in a sentence

The journey to a new country is often perilous, but it promises far greater economic opportunity: average per capita incomes in advanced economies can be more than 50 times higher (in terms of purchasing power parity) than those in the developing world.
In any case, all of the Nordic countries have very high incomes, and Norway’s per capita income actually exceeds the US.
Some on the left, motivated in part by revulsion against financial types who are thought to reap unjustified incomes, have joined forces with conventional economists, whose almost religious belief in their models has blinded them to the harm their dubious economic theory can do to the real economy and the interests of ordinary people.
Although government statisticians do their best to gauge the rise in real GDP through time, there are two problems that are very difficult to overcome in measuring real incomes: increases in the quality of goods and services, and the introduction of new ones.
The US can and should adopt policies that will cause real incomes to rise even faster.
GDP growth is unlikely to weaken, given the big fiscal stimulus, very high business confidence, and strong growth in personal incomes resulting from rapid job growth.
Once again, Spain is proposing practical and innovative means to move from talk to action, specifically to help impoverished peasant farmers to get the tools, seeds, and fertilizer that they need to increase their farm productivity, incomes, and food security.
Meanwhile, rising incomes – a goal of any development effort – nearly always means increased consumption of natural resources and energy, resulting in more emissions and further warming.
Because much of the recent growth has come from a doubling in oil production, it has not increased most household incomes, or created new employment opportunities.
The top 1% of Americans, however, have seen their real incomes almost triple during this period, with their share of national income reaching 20%, a figure not seen since the 1920’s.
In most cities, rents and home prices have increased faster than incomes, and in urban areas with robust job markets, housing stocks have failed to keep pace with demand.
As incomes declined, other domestic sectors collapsed.
Indeed, a recent McKinsey survey revealed not only that Europeans aspire to a more vibrant economy, higher incomes, and better public services (especially health care and education), but also that they are prepared to accept tradeoffs, including longer hours and reduced social protection, to achieve them.
But times have changed, along with incomes, education levels, and exposure to outside ideas.
Urban household spending in Africa is increasing twice as fast as rural spending, with urban per capita incomes, on average, 80% higher than those of countries as a whole.
As incomes rise, categories reach a takeoff point where demand accelerates by 3-5 times.
These characteristics point to a major change in African consumption habits as this cohort ages, its incomes increase, and its behaviors and decision criteria become the societal norm.
In this scenario, a tiny minority becomes super-rich – not, for the most part, because they are smarter or work harder than everyone else, but because fundamental economic forces capriciously redistribute incomes.
Less noticed – but just as corrosive – is the trend of falling or stagnating incomes for the majority of households.
For much of the post-World War II period, until the 2000s, strong GDP and employment growth in the advanced economies meant that almost all households experienced rising incomes, both before and after taxes and transfers.
From 1993 to 2005, by contrast, less than 2% of households in these economies had flat or falling incomes.
Increases in government transfers and lower tax rates reduced the effect of stagnating or falling market incomes on disposable incomes.
Nonetheless, 20-25% of households faced flat or falling disposable incomes from 2005 to 2014, compared to less than 2% in the preceding 12 years.
McKinsey’s research confirms the role of such long-term factors in undermining incomes for the majority of households.
It shows that most households’ real market incomes remained flat or fell, even though aggregate growth remained positive in the 2005-2014 period.
Thanks to these interventions, market incomes fell or were flat for only 20% of households.
And generous net transfers meant that disposable incomes increased for almost all households.
But that did not change the fact that, from 2005 to the end of 2013, market incomes declined for 81% of US households.
Nonetheless, by the end of 2015, real market incomes for that group had recovered only about two-thirds of the losses borne during the 2007-2009 recession.
In other words, while disposable income did not fall in either Sweden or the US, the US approach was to compensate for a decline in market incomes, which Sweden had managed to head off.
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