Example collocations logo

Historian in sentence

343 examples of Historian in a sentence

LONDON – The economic historian Niall Ferguson reminds me of the late Oxford historian A.J.P. Taylor.
Ferguson, too, is a wonderful historian – but equally ready to spin when he shifts into political gear.
As the historian Christopher Clark put it, they “sleepwalked” into it.
The sagacious historian and politician Arturo Jauretche liked to say, "It's not about changing our collar; it's about ceasing to be a dog."
Yale historian Jonathan Spence has long cautioned that the West tends to view China through the same lens as it sees itself.
As one historian of US business has put it, the Americans “were pirates, too.”
When the British historian Timothy Garton Ash, writing in the New York Review of Books, distinguished the US and Europe by paraphrasing the title of a bestselling book, saying that "Americans are from Mars, Europeans are from Venus," some American readers objected to the sexual portrayal of an effiminate Europe and a macho America.
Inside Germany, there used be endless debates about German identity – what one historian called “the continual dispute about what being German might mean.”
As for the nature of power, Tolstoy was neither an economic historian nor a demographer.
Frightening as it sounds, that is where France finds itself: not in a mere crisis, but in the last stages of what the great anti-Nazi historian Marc Bloch called, in 1940, his nation’s “strange defeat.”
As the historian John Bew observed in his 2016 history of the term, the pendulum swing was to be expected: “Our foreign policy debates follow cycles, in which policymakers declare themselves more idealistic, or more realistic.”
During the Peloponnesian War, according to the Greek historian Thucydides, “It was the rise of Athens and the fear that this instilled in Sparta that made war inevitable.”
In 1919, the first edition of Democratic Caesarism , by the Venezuelan historian and sociologist Laureano Vallenilla Lanz, was published and widely circulated across the continent.
Using historical data compiled by the economic historian Angus Maddison, they show how other East Asian countries experienced a deceleration of economic growth after their per capita GDP reached about $11,000 in purchasing-power-parity terms relative to constant 1990 US dollar prices, or $17,000 in constant 2005 US dollar prices.
Few people understand that, as MIT science historian Lily Kay explains, genetic engineering was deliberately developed and promoted as a tool for biological and social control.
The Cambridge historian Christopher Clark aptly titled his 2012 book on the origins of WWI The Sleepwalkers.
It is this diversity and complexity that led the British historian E.P. Thompson to call India “perhaps the most important country for the future of the world.”
Describing a similar power struggle in classical Greece, the historian Thucydides wrote that, “It was the rise of Athens, and the fear that this instilled in Sparta, that made war inevitable.”
Roosevelt’s problem “seemed insoluble,” writes historian Doris Kearns Goodwin in her book No Ordinary Time.
But, as the British historian Niall Ferguson points out, modern America differs from 19th century Britain in its "chronically short time frame."
“Safe Among the Germans” proclaimed the title of an important book by the historian Ruth Gay about these 250,000 survivors.
In his book, When Presidents Lie, the historian Eric Alterman concludes that presidential lies “inevitably turn into monsters that strangle their creators.”
The historian Harold James argues that the dominant pattern is that the nationalist right is strongest in the two EU countries that are haunted by their imperial legacies, France and the United Kingdom.
Emeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu is an Oxford-trained historian and retired army officer who led the Biafran secessionist attempt in 1967, which plunged the country into civil war.
So, as the Oxford historian Margaret Macmillan argues in her book The Peacemakers, Syria’s leaders, remembering these events when Westerners probably did not, “took the opportunity” presented by the Black September crisis of 1970 to send troops to their country’s lost lands.
This is absurd; every historian knows that there is no such thing as final historical truth.
The measures have affected foreign visitors to the US of all stripes, from the Egyptian-born French historian Henry Rousso to African trade delegates from Nigeria, Ghana, Sierra Leone, and South Africa.
The economic historian Harold James notes that the countries that turned toward aggressive militarism in the 1930s had previously been large suppliers of emigrants.
Soon after, the historian Niall Ferguson – also at Harvard – received much flack when, asked to comment on Keynes’ famous phrase, “In the long run we are all dead,” he “suggested that Keynes was perhaps indifferent to the long run because he had no children, and that he had no children because he was gay.”
The American historian Robert Kagan wrote in 2003 that “Americans are from Mars and Europeans are from Venus”; but Europe was for centuries home to the Roman god of war, not the goddess of love.
BackNext