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Historian in sentence

343 examples of Historian in a sentence

As Yale historian Paul Kennedy has long stressed, a condition of “imperial overreach” arises when the projection of military power outstrips a country’s shaky economic foundations.
The “Thucydides Trap,” cited by Chinese President Xi Jinping, refers to the warning by the ancient Greek historian that cataclysmic war can erupt if an established power (like the United States) becomes too fearful of a rising power (like China).
But the Yale historian Donald Kagan has shown that Athenian power was in fact not growing.
As a result, the country has increasingly been focusing on the so-called “killer apps” that, according to the historian Niall Ferguson, drove the West’s rise to economic dominance: competition, science, property, modern medicine, consumerism, and an ethic of hard work.
As the historian Robert Kagan argued in 2002, Americans and Europeans do not only have different worldviews; they occupy entirely different worlds.
And yet, in his book The Quartet: Orchestrating the Second American Revolution, the American historian Joseph J. Ellis points out that at the time that phrase was written, few in the country had a strong American identity.
Sixty-three years after the Guatemalan experiments, an American historian, Susan Reverby, was rummaging through archived medical papers from the 1940’s.
But, as economic historian Joel Mokyr (also at Northwestern) has argued, it is hard to be a technological pessimist, given the breadth of innovations that are occurring and that are likely to occur in the next few decades.
When the historian Ernest Renan dreamed of a European Confederation that would supersede the nation-state, he could not yet envisage the challenge posed by micro-states and para-states.
Electricity, the new technology studied by the eminent Stanford University economic historian Paul David, is a classic case in point.
Anti-nuclear movements took root, and, in a phrase made famous by the historian E.P. Thompson, began to protest to survive.
Adrift in Trump’s New CenturyWASHINGTON, DC – The late British historian Eric Hobsbawm famously called the period between Archduke Franz Ferdinand’s assassination in 1914 and the Soviet Union’s collapse in 1991 the “short twentieth century.”
A historian by training, Alexeyeva was widely recognized as Russia’s foremost human-rights advocate.
As an historian, she was committed to getting the facts right and ensuring that we had sufficient context.
This theory recalls that of the British historian Arnold Toynbee, according to which empires collapse because they are unable to react to external challenges.
As the Russian intellectual historian Nikolay Koposov recently observed, the “memory laws” being enacted there “differ fundamentally from memory laws in Western Europe, because they actively protect the memory of the perpetrators, rather than the victims, of state-sponsored crimes.”
In 1842, the historian Thomas Arnold stated, with typical Victorian complacency, that Queen Victoria’s reign contained “clear indications of the fullness of time.”
In his controversial 1961 study of WWII’s origins, the historian A.J.P. Taylor vindicated Hitler’s decision to take over the small successor states that were created at Versailles to check Germany’s power – a strategy by the victors that Taylor called “an open invitation for German expansionism.”
In a related argument, Barry Eichengreen, the Berkeley economic historian, suggests that US monetary policy is now effectively “Made in China,” because China’s efforts to stabilize the renminbi have already tightened US monetary conditions by the equivalent of the quarter-point rate hike expected on December 16.
The historian David Irving is still in detention in Austria for the crime of Holocaust denial.
The son of a renowned historian who served as the personal secretary of Zeev Jabotinski, the founder of the Zionist right, Netanyahu absorbed from childhood his father’s interpretation of Jewish history as a series of tragedies.
Menachem Begin, a hawkish predecessor of Netanyahu as prime minister, once had the insolence to say to the great historian Yaakov Talmon that, “when it comes to the twentieth century, I am more an expert than you are.”
But his presidency is not a replay of twentieth-century fascism, as Yale historian Timothy Snyder and others have argued.
In The Anatomy of Fascism, Columbia University historian Robert O. Paxton writes that:“Fascism may be defined as a form of political behavior marked by obsessive preoccupation with community decline, humiliation, or victimhood and by compensatory cults of unity, energy, and purity, in which a mass-based party of committed nationalist militants, working in uneasy but effective collaboration with traditional elites, abandons democratic liberties and pursues with redemptive violence and without ethical or legal constraints goals of internal cleansing and external expansion.”
In 1980, in a famous open letter entitled “The Homeland Is in Danger,” the historian Jacob Talmon tried to share this simple lesson with Prime Minister Menachem Begin.
I wonder if the satisfaction of being a people – as invented by the first Europeans and Americans, reinvented by the French celebrants of national unity on July 14, 1790, and celebrated by the French historian and poet Michelet – is not becoming a thing of the past.
For example, the economic historian Robert Gordon argues that today’s innovations pale in contrast to past technological revolutions in terms of their likely economy-wide impact.
In a famous analysis of the Great Depression, the economic historian Charles Kindleberger argued that it arose from a failure of world leadership.
The Columbia University historian Adam Tooze has little use for this narrative.
However, as leading oil historian Dan Yergin points out, prophets of doom have declared that the world is running out of oil at least four times already.
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