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Fascist in sentence

182 examples of Fascist in a sentence

One night Giorgio discovers Micol having an affair with his more Fascist friend Bruno (Fabio Testi) and Micol notices him in the window but seems not to care.
The film operates with the worst clichés you can find in a film - repetitive jokes, whose are not funny even the first time, very shallow dialogues, typical costume film eras - dark middle age, renaissance, Fitzgeraldoid jazz generation, Nazi occupation (with the mistake made by the filmmakers, as Hungary happened to be a Fascist country in the Second World War) and so on.
SHAME on fascist people who still thrive freely !!!
Fascist solutions were equally unsuccessful, as in Italy, unless accompanied by rapid rearmament, as in Germany.
Fascist and communist regimes of the past, which followed a similar instrumentalist approach to democracy, come to mind here.
Just as he texted me that he did not want his generation to be responsible for strangling Greece, I, too, refuse to be part of a generation of leftists responsible for allowing a fascist and racist to win the French presidency.
In fact, the pronouncements and executive orders of Trump’s first weeks in office convey a singular ideological perspective – the one long espoused by White House Chief Strategist Steve Bannon, an ultra-nationalist, acolyte of the Italian fascist philosopher Julius Evola, and long-time enabler of America’s white-supremacist “alt-right.”
Though it had moved from dictatorship to democracy, the trappings of the fascist system lived on through a corporatist approach to market regulation and widespread government meddling in finance and industry.
If anything, the Russian system should be characterized as proto-fascist – tamer than European fascist states during the 1920s and 1930s, but still featuring key elements of those regimes.
Judging by these definitions, it would be difficult today to find any trend in Russian political society that could not be labeled fascist.
First, fascist elements in Russia did not emerge organically as they did in Europe in the early twentieth century.
Without any deep national roots among the people, the fascist structures being built can be easily dismantled.
Indeed, Article 53 of the Charter defined the formerly fascist Axis countries as "enemy states" of the UN, so that Italy had to wait until 1955 to become a member.
Greece has seen the rise of an overtly fascist party, Golden Dawn, which proudly celebrates the legacy of former dictator Ioannis Metaxas.
People in the territory of what is now Slovakia have lived in seven different states and under five different political systems in the 20th century, from the liberal autocracy of the Austro-Hungarian Empire (1901-1918), through the liberal democracy of the inter-war Czechoslovak Republic (1918-1939), to the fascist wartime Slovak state (1939-1945), back to a Czechoslovak liberal democracy (1945-1948), then to the communist Czechoslovak Socialist Republic (1948-1989), the liberal democracy of the Czechoslovak Federative Republic (1989-1992).
Fortunately, memories of fascist dictatorship may have inoculated Spain and Portugal against the far-right virus, with left-wing anti-austerity parties and regionalists benefiting instead.
How much space exists for populism’s further growth, and which variety – socialist or fascist – will attract the available votes?
This is an expansion of corporatist policy the likes of which have not been seen since the fascist German and Italian economies of the 1930s.
Thus, they bear a striking similarity to the Nazi brown shirts, the Fascist black shirts, and the various “people’s militias” that were established under communist regimes.
The old-style right, with its fascist ancestry, lingers on.
In this they are not entirely dissimilar from the totalitarian leaders of fascist movements, who likewise built on popular frustration to pursue an essentially destructive purpose in the name of anti-modern beliefs and promises.
Good People, Bad JudgmentsNEW YORK – Vidkun Quisling, Norway’s wartime fascist leader whose name has become synonymous with collaboration with evil, lived with his wife in a rather grandiose villa outside of Oslo.
Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal was one example; so, in a much more sinister way, was the fascist state.
In Germany and Italy, fascist parties came out on top, while elsewhere, dictators were backed by armies or kings.
Analyzing these events much later, historians constructed elaborate typologies to distinguish between fascist and merely authoritarian regimes.
But much more important was what the fascist and authoritarian regimes shared – all were beneficiaries of a sweeping collapse of the legitimacy of democratic politics.
During the interwar period, when conservatives opted to collaborate with authoritarian and fascist parties, democracy died as a result.
In a 2014 speech, Steve Bannon, Trump’s chief strategist, cited the Fascist Italian philosopher Julius Evola, who argued that “changing the system is not a question of contesting and polemicizing, but of blowing everything up.”
Even today, Greek communists, including several Syriza cadres, portray themselves as the heirs of the left-wing struggle against the Nazi and fascist occupation.
Until we stop regarding cultural pluralism as being incompatible with the defense of legitimate universal values, fascist movements will attract those who need the false hope and sense of self-worth that such movements offer, regardless of gender.
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