Ethnic
in sentence
1250 examples of Ethnic in a sentence
The difficulty is in the fact that it is not always easy to divide peacefully
ethnic
and religious groups and to redraw boundaries.
Having dominated Iraq under Saddam Hussein, and despite numbering less than a quarter of the overall population, Sunnis, it is said, are fighting to prevent their communal interests from being overwhelmed by the majority Shi’ites and the Kurds, a distinct
ethnic
group concentrated in the north.
To be sure, Iraqis of different
ethnic
or religious backgrounds are divided over many issues, but they also embrace a common national identity, as well as a desire for democracy.
Common frontiers mean common
ethnic
origins, common cultures, and shared ways of life and environmental conditions.
The same holds true for members of
ethnic
and religious minorities.
In many conflicts, including Sri Lanka’s, it is important to recognize the responsibility of those who fostered the
ethnic
discrimination that led to prolonged communal violence.
Germany was reunited;Eastern Europe and the states on the Soviet periphery won their independence;South Africa’s apartheid regime fell apart, numerous civil wars in Asia, Africa, and Latin America ended;Israelis and Palestinians came closer to peace than at any time since; and a disintegrating Yugoslavia degenerated into war and
ethnic
cleansing.
Last year, the United Nations Environment Program (UNEP) issued a remarkable report on Ogoniland, a major
ethnic
homeland in the Niger Delta that has been at the epicenter of conflict between local communities and international oil.
Ethnic
minority students in Romania may now take university entrance exams in their native tongues and the Hungarian-language Bolyai university in Cluj, closed since the late 1950s, is to be reopened.
For Chinese liberals, Afghanistan is fraught with
ethnic
threats.
But my real mission was to reconnect with my
ethnic
Sindhi roots, as I had never visited the country where my parents were born.
Governance has never been easy in Nigeria, a conglomerate of over 150 million people and some 250
ethnic
or language groups.
Ethnic
militias are also making a show of strength elsewhere in the south, mainly among the Igbo and the Yoruba, whose political elites call for greater political and fiscal autonomy.
Instead of simply watching in horror, as it did at the start of the Bosnian war, NATO decided to intervene before Milosevic’s forces could again devastate one of the constituent
ethnic
groups of the former Yugoslavia.
Too many observers have entirely forgotten the central role of the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) in fomenting almost constant crisis in the region since fleeing into the DRC from Rwanda after the 1994 genocide, during which its members killed more than one million
ethnic
Tutsis.
But the preceding savagery of Serbian, Croatian and Bosnian
ethnic
cleansing, in that first phase of the Balkan tragedy, and the lily-livered impotence of the EU, had been so shocking and so shameful for the Europeans, that when they saw President Slobodan Milosevic embarking on an even more outrageous process of
ethnic
cleansing in Kosovo, with the prospective death or displacement of tens or hundreds of thousands of Albanian Kosovars, they were compelled, almost willy nilly, to intervene more forcefully this time round.
Before the bombing, NATO's aim was to broker a new deal in Kosovo, in which Milosevic would abandon
ethnic
cleansing, and the Kosovars would get limited autonomy within Yugoslavia, but not independence.
The option of such a compromise seems by now to have been ruled out by the savagery of Milosevic's repression of the
ethnic
Albanians.
Long-standing threats to internal stability – including deep economic inequality,
ethnic
and religious conflict, and, in some cases, demands for territorial autonomy – remain acute.
China’s declared policy of “noninterference in domestic affairs” actually serves as a virtual license to pursue dam projects that flood lands and forcibly uproot people – including, as with Myitsone,
ethnic
minorities – in other countries.
That situation is much worse among
ethnic
minorities.
The resulting decisions could establish clear ground rules to guide future policy toward Europe’s increasingly numerous
ethnic
and religious minorities.
At a time of rising concern about immigration, religious extremism, and
ethnic
violence, what must government do to secure the promise of equal opportunity for all?
Just as Europe’s
ethnic
makeup has been changing, so have its laws.
The combination of
ethnic
and sectarian fears and rivalries, historical memories, and willful blindness among outside powers seems almost predestined to destabilize the entire Middle East again.
The
ethnic
cleansing of many Baghdad neighborhoods in 2006 and 2007 was deplorable.
This past January, China, alongside Russia, vetoed a Security Council resolution that condemned Burma’s human rights record and called on the government to stop attacks on
ethnic
minorities, release political prisoners, and begin a transition towards national reconciliation and democracy.
On opposite sides of religious and
ethnic
divides, a close bilateral relationship would seem unlikely under even the best circumstances.
Laws against incitement to racial, religious, or
ethnic
hatred, in circumstances where that incitement is intended to – or can reasonably be foreseen to – lead to violence or other criminal acts, are different, and are compatible with maintaining freedom to express any views at all.
Its poor and powerless citizens, angrily demanding transparency and accountability, do not want the country to disintegrate into its many squabbling
ethnic
parts.
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