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Ethnic in sentence

1250 examples of Ethnic in a sentence

Like the 2014 Ebola outbreak in West Africa, the Zika outbreak in Central and South America in 2015 hit vulnerable social groups – women and children, ethnic minorities, and the poor – the hardest.
Milosevic's victims and survivors - mostly ethnic Bosnians, Albanians, and Croats - have little confidence that the Serb-dominated Yugoslav government, emerging from a decade of ethnic wars, will ever prosecute their cause in good faith.
It speaks of prosecuting Milosevic for corruption or the murder of a few Serb political opponents, but not for mass atrocities committed against other ethnic groups.
For right-wing populists, foreigners, immigrants, or ethnic and religious minorities serve the same purpose.
Even left-wing intellectuals are lining up to support Putin for protecting ethnic Russians from what the Kremlin and its allied media portray as “fascist” Ukrainian nationalism.
Communist ideology is long gone, so the legitimacy of the ruling party depends on economic growth and ethnic Han nationalism.
Whether China can develop a formula to manage an expanding urban middle class, regional inequality, and resentment among ethnic minorities remains to be seen.
It also held its own in the predominantly Igbo southeast and the middle belt, home to several small ethnic groups.
The country’s mounting problems – rampant official corruption, decaying social and physical infrastructure, and growing ethnic and religious insurgencies in the northeast, central region, the southeast, and Niger Delta – are yet to be seriously tackled.
It is increasingly identified with the Republican agenda and Israel’s evangelical Christian supporters, even though polls have repeatedly shown that Jews are America’s most liberal ethnic group.
Most are home to significant ethnic and religious minorities.
In a fractured country with few civil-society institutions and many ethnic and religious groups, will minority rights be protected?
The regime’s effort to turn its struggle for survival into an ethnic and sectarian conflict could wreak havoc across the region, starting with neighbors like Lebanon and Iraq.
But when today’s populists start blaming “the elites,” whoever they may be, and unpopular ethnic or religious minorities, for these difficulties, they sound uncomfortably close to the enemies of liberal democracy in the 1930s.
Iran’s Iraq CalculationsWASHINGTON, DC – With the spread of ethnic and sectarian violence in Iraq – brought to new levels of terror by the rise of the Islamic State (IS) – Iran’s image as an island of stability in a conflict-ridden Middle East may be short-lived.
Iran’s policy toward its western neighbor appears to have two main goals: preservation of influence there, and prevention of any spillover of Iraq’s ethnic conflicts into its own multi-ethnic and multi-confessional society.
Despite all the segregation, discrimination, and ethnic and religious tensions, Jerusalem is also one of the Middle East’s last truly diverse cities.
But it is true that no other country matches India’s extraordinary mix of ethnic groups, profusion of mutually incomprehensible languages, varieties of topography and climate, diversity of religions and cultural practices, and disparate levels of economic development.
And while she remained silent, populists such as AfD Vice Chairman Alexander Gauland filled the airwaves with loud appeals to ethnic and nationalist nostalgia.
“Today, many nations,” he warned, “are revising their moral values and ethical norms, eroding ethnic traditions and differences between peoples and cultures.”
Similarly, anchormen and anchorwomen from all ethnic backgrounds populate American television news programs.
“Effective participation by members of all racial and ethnic groups in the civil life of our nation,” the court said, “is essential if the dream of one nation, indivisible, is to be realized.”
We cannot be pacifists when people around the world live in fear of mass murder because they belong to a particular ethnic or religious minority, believe in the “wrong” ideology, or live in vulnerable countries alongside revanchist powers.
Nobody will deny that, for any state, being separated from part of its territory is a painful matter – even if a different ethnic group largely populates that territory.
What does Kosovo, where the Albanians suffered persecution and ethnic cleansing, have in common with the situation in Crimea, whose people have never been oppressed by Ukrainians?
Brave Russian democrats who have not yet been silenced have already remarked on the similarity between Putin’s appeal to ethnic solidarity in annexing Crimea and Hitler’s stance during the Anschluss and the Sudeten crisis in 1938.
Indeed, the electronic version of Poland’s largest newspaper, Gazeta Wyborcza, now publishes a stunning notice at the end of every article about refugees: “Because of the extraordinarily aggressive content of remarks advocating violence, contrary to the law, and calling for racial, ethnic, and religious hatred, we will not allow readers to publish comments.”
For this reason, ethnic, linguistic, and religious groups can find it more convenient to secede, if they do not have to bare the costs of finding themselves within an economy and a market that are too small.
Ethnic conflicts in that part of the world are at the basis of political instability, and of many economic failures: given that it is now possible to be small and prosper, one of the principal costs of secessions has been removed.
So it may be better to have smaller countries than larger countries subject to unresolved (and perhaps insoluble) ethnic conflicts.
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