Ethnic
in sentence
1250 examples of Ethnic in a sentence
But one’s state was not a fully formed nation, with its own shared and deeply ingrained history, culture,
ethnic
identity, and religion.
What is objectionable about hate speech, and makes it punishable by law in countries around the world, is that it is intended to incite discrimination or violence against members of a particular national, racial, ethnic, or religious group.
Myanmar’s Jihadi CurseNEW DELHI – Myanmar’s military has lately been engaged in a brutal campaign against the Rohingya, a long-marginalized Muslim
ethnic
minority group, driving hundreds of thousands to flee to Bangladesh, India, and elsewhere.
In 2012, bloody clashes broke out between the Rohingya and the
ethnic
Rakhines, who feared becoming a minority in their home state.
But, internally, Myanmar has failed to build bridges among its various
ethnic
groups and cultures.
Viewed as outsiders even by other minorities, the Rohingya are not officially recognized as one of Myanmar’s 135
ethnic
groups.
Still, the fact is that Myanmar’s failure to construct an inclusive national identity has allowed old
ethnic
rivalries to continue to fuel terrorism, stifling the resource-rich country’s potential.
What Myanmar needs now is an equitable, federalist system that accommodates its many
ethnic
minorities, who comprise roughly a third of the population, but cover half of the total land area.
But as the international community pressures Myanmar’s de facto leader Aung San Suu Kyi to take stronger action to protect the Rohingya, it is also vital to address the long history of Islamist extremism that has contributed to the
ethnic
group’s current plight.
The same question can be raised for members of religious groups and
ethnic
minorities, or even of certain social classes.
Indeed, at its core is a sense of
ethnic
purity, a feeling of sacred nationalism that must be defended at any cost against hostile forces.
Afghanistan’s large
ethnic
groups already enjoy de facto autonomy, which they secured after their Northern Alliance played a central role in the US-led ouster of the Taliban from power in late 2001.
The fact that Afghanistan’s
ethnic
groups are concentrated in distinct geographical zones would simplify partition and make the resulting borders more likely to last, unlike those drawn by colonial officials, who invented countries with no national identity or historical roots.
While Karzai has been fickle, to say the least, about cooperation with the Americans (indeed, he has since backed away from participation in the Doha talks), the rupture of his political alliance with non-Pashtun leaders has also fueled
ethnic
polarization.
The most serious problem today is that the country’s
ethnic
tensions and recriminations threaten to undermine the cohesion of the fledgling, multiethnic Afghan Army.
Thus, in seeking to co-opt the Taliban, the US is not only bestowing legitimacy on a thuggish militia; it also risks unwittingly reigniting Afghanistan’s
ethnic
strife, which would most likely tear the country apart for good.
From religious and
ethnic
conflict, Europe can once again forge a model of peaceful cooperation – this time by creating an integrated zone of stability in the Eastern Mediterranean.
With those constraints gone, nationalism in both its Bismarckian state-making and
ethnic
state-breaking guises has gotten a second wind.
It must avoid the pernicious
ethnic
nationalism of recent years that led to one
ethnic
group being banned from running in the presidential election.
The result has been disastrous, as
ethnic
rivalries sharpened.
Regional and religious tensions had been growing since Houphouet’s death and were aggravated by the new constitution, which enshrined
ethnic
discrimination.
His campaign begins with South Korea, where he is attempting to use
ethnic
nationalism to drive a wedge between that country and its US ally and potentially even to convince it to abandon the alliance altogether.
To be sure, regional and
ethnic
allegiances play a greater role in some places in Europe – for example, Scotland, Belgium, and Catalonia – but far more so in emerging countries, where political cleavages also reflect specific post-colonial circumstances and often the legacy of single-party rule.
Instead, they launched destabilizing military interventions under the false pretense of advancing democracy, upending the fragile balance among religious and
ethnic
groups in countries like Iraq and Syria.
It remains to be seen whether China can develop a formula to manage an expanding urban middle class, regional inequality, and, in many places, restive
ethnic
minorities.
A growing portion of the population consists of Muslim minorities with higher birthrates than
ethnic
Russians.
The camp’s different
ethnic
communities often act together to ensure that compatriots who develop psychosis, for example, are among those who actually receive treatment.
Football chauvinism always contained an edge of violence, for it often included an ethnic, religious, or class component: Protestants versus Catholics (in Scotland);“Jewish” clubs (in Amsterdam, Berlin, London, and Budapest), taunted by fans who opposed the “Yids”; posh clubs (like Galatasaray in Istanbul) and resolutely proletarian sides (West Ham in London); clubs that took pride in a strong regional identity (Barcelona); and clubs that were close to the centers of power (Real Madrid).
Moral, ethnic, and environmental issues follow similar ideological lines.
(Chu is one of five
ethnic
Chinese to have won a Nobel, although no winner has yet come from the PRC, a fact that gnaws at Chinese pride.)
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