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Ethnic in sentence

1250 examples of Ethnic in a sentence

Redistribution of wealth became gradually less important than the social emancipation of ethnic and sexual minorities.
Unless Arab political culture is shown to be uniquely and permanently inimical to electoral competitiveness, it makes more sense to understand the democratic divide in the Muslim world in terms of the political - as opposed to the ethnic or religious - particularities of the Middle East and North Africa.
These ancestral homelands exercised a hold on Turkish imaginations, but today it is business opportunities, energy resources, and other practical matters rather than ethnic unity that are creating a loose Turkic “commonwealth.”
There has also been a backlash against cultural globalization – encompassing cosmopolitanism, multiculturalism, and secularism – driven by those who seek the comforts of traditional ethnic, religious, or national identity.
Unlike many other African states, Somalis had roughly the same linguistic and ethnic background.
The first group consists of those who consider democratic values to be more important than ethnic or national identities.
This system, which codifies Lebanon’s factionalism, remains a subject of much controversy, but, by ensuring that no group can govern at the expense of others, it also reinforces baseline stability in a country built atop powerful religious and ethnic fault lines.
Second, vast geographic differences across ethnic homelands in many African countries, together with these countries’ sprawling size and inadequate infrastructure left by the colonial powers, has meant that national governments have struggled to govern effectively beyond the metropoles.
The long-run consequences of colonial ethnic partitioning on contemporary political violence are profound.
By comparing anthropological maps of the spatial distribution of African groups during colonization with detailed geo-referenced information on violent events, we have confirmed what has long been suspected: ethnic partitioning has played a key role in spurring conflict and animosity in Africa since independence.
Violence against civilians – including the destruction of villages or churches, conscription of children, kidnapping, and rape – is also linked to ethnic partitioning.
We also learned that partitioned ethnicities are significantly more likely to engage in civil wars that have an explicit ethnic dimension.
Since the early 1960s, roughly one-third of such groups have participated in an ethnic-based civil war; only about one-fifth of non-partitioned ethnic groups have engaged in such conflicts.
As econometric evidence and case studies reveal, one reason for this is that neighboring countries often use divided ethnic groups to destabilize one another’s governments, including through proxy wars.
Somalia is a poster child for the impact of ethnic partitioning.
But, according to Burma’s Constitutional Referendum Act, members of religious organizations, those subject to criminal prosecution, and members of ethnic groups that have not agreed to a ceasefire with the government were barred from voting.
Thus, all current and former political prisoners, about 500,000 Buddhist monks, and more than twice as many members of ethnic minority groups living close to the borders were banned from the vote.
Indeed, even if foreign troops reduce the violence, peace might last only as long as they remain deployed, since the conflict has evolved from a struggle between rebel groups and the Sudanese government into one between various clans and ethnic groups, with the government intervening on behalf of its allies.
The societies of the Americas were forged by European conquests of indigenous populations, and by the racial and ethnic divisions that followed.
While European societies have developed social welfare states with universal access to public health and education services, elites throughout the Americas have tended to favor private-sector provision of health and education, in part reflecting white populations’ unwillingness to pay for social services for other ethnic and racial groups.
Moreover, Bolivia is not alone: the shift from military rule to democratic politics in Latin America during the past 20 years is gradually, fitfully, but consistently, broadening political empowerment beyond the traditional elites and dominant ethnic groups.
Though some countries have persevered in the face of Russia’s threats to bring separatist, ethnic, or other problems to their doorstep should they choose integration with the EU, others have responded to the pressure.
Kyrgyzstan, one of the poorest post-Soviet countries in Central Asia, has no obvious separatism-related problems, though it struggles with ethnic tensions in its south, where clashes between local Uzbeks and Kyrgyz in 2010 left more than 400 people dead.
The secret agreement negotiated by Sykes and Picot subsequently led to the formation of states that served the great European colonial powers’ geopolitical interests, not the social, religious, and ethnic realities of the region.
(They tend to gloss over the fact that, after decades of ethnic cleansing in Pakistan, hardly any Sikhs are left there.)
Palestinians are the only people of whom a majority sees less equality for people of different racial or ethnic groups, although opinion is relatively evenly divided in Nigeria, Ukraine, Azerbaijan and Russia.
On average, 90% of those asked said that equal treatment for people of different races or ethnic origins is important, and in no country were more than 13% of respondents prepared to say that equal treatment is not important.
In Egypt, for example, 97% said that racial and ethnic equality is important, and 90% said that equality for women is important.
In suburban areas near Paris, such as the town of Sarcelles, known for its climate of religious and ethnic tolerance, groups of young people have deliberately targeted Jewish properties.
This may be why the Armenian Patriarch urged ethnic Armenians in Turkey to vote for the AKP in last July’s elections.
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