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Employment in sentence

3253 examples of Employment in a sentence

Equality through employment – not the snazziest of slogans, but one well worth painting on banners and flying over occupied squares and parks, on Wall Street and much farther afield.
In the US, the five states with the largest gains in oil production this decade recorded employment growth of 2.75% in 2017, double the national average.
And his commitment not to err on the side of underestimating either the difficulty of the situation or the value of keeping employment high would make him, I believe, one of the best possible choices for the position, even if he were not now the incumbent.
For example, the Fed’s mandate dictates that price stability can be explicitly linked to active support for GDP growth and employment; for the BoE and the ECB, it can be a condition for achieving the broader goal of sustainable growth and employment.
Victimized by an educational system that collapsed over a decade ago, they have few skills that can help them find employment in Iraq’s blighted economy.
In areas as diverse as employment and social inclusion, environmental protection and climate change, health, external and internal security, and the fight against illegal migration and poverty in the Third World, European citizens are demanding effective policies.
In recent years, slowing the pace of real exchange-rate appreciation to shelter domestic producers and employment from import competition seems to have gained clear precedence over disinflation.
Germany now boasts a booming economy, near full employment, rising wages, and content unions.
Coal mining will play no significant role in future US employment trends, Trump or no Trump.
Only if wages adjust downward to accommodate the new international environment can German workers become competitive again, so that the country returns to a higher employment level, exploiting its human capital up to the capacity constraint.
In the euro’s initial years, Germany had no option but to reduce worker protections, limit wage increases, and reduce pensions as it tried to increase employment.
The economy has essentially reached full employment, with the unemployment rate at 4.9% in October.
On the other hand, productivity growth remains weak, income inequality is increasing, and less educated workers are struggling to find attractive employment opportunities.
And in countries like the United States, the distribution of income and wealth is so skewed that lower-income households cannot afford to invest in measures to adapt to rapidly changing employment conditions.
As China becomes a more urban and elderly middle-income society, the challenge for the new leadership is not only to meet the population’s need for employment, health care, and social security, but also to improve governance and state effectiveness by establishing checks and balances on political power.
Decades of “cutting the fat” in government has left little to cut: federal government employment as a percentage of the population is lower today than it was in the era of small government under President Ronald Reagan some 30 years ago.
That would have two adverse effects on aggregate demand and employment.
Another possibility is that the world's major central banks are actually more concerned about real growth and employment, and are using low inflation rates as an excuse to maintain exceptionally generous monetary conditions.
Education has a much wider impact than simply improving earnings or employment opportunities, which is why it is a component of the human development index.
Young men become fighters in places like Sudan, Somalia, Pakistan, and Afghanistan because they lack gainful employment.
In short, they fear that, with no expansion of output or employment, the net effect will simply be an increase in poverty.
Of course, these fears are accompanied by the hope that structural reforms and monetary expansion work in harmony, boosting employment and output without raising inflation by much.
Europe needs a monetary policy that views aiding employment growth in northern Europe as more important than continental price stability.
Its two major political forces, the Colorados and the Liberals, operate as rival political machines, mobilizing electoral support by distributing public employment, contracts, and cash.
Moreover, this model – developed by Peter Petri and Michael Plummer, from Brandeis and Johns Hopkins Universities, respectively, building on a long line of similar frameworks by them and others – foresees relatively insignificant cost to employment in affected industries.
The Peterson Institute for International Economics, which published the pro-TPP study, inexplicably states in its brief: “The agreement will raise US wages but is not projected to change US employment levels…” The result on wages is a conclusion of the study, whereas the employment “projection” could have been made before the computer crunched a single number.
Capaldo and his collaborators offer a starkly different outlook: a competitive race to the bottom in labor markets, with a decline in wages and government spending keeping a lid on aggregate demand and employment.
The Petri-Plummer model is squarely rooted in decades of academic trade modeling, which makes a sharp distinction between microeconomic effects (shaping resource allocation across sectors) and macroeconomic effects (related to overall levels of demand and employment).
In this tradition, trade liberalization is a microeconomic “shock” that affects the composition of employment, but not its overall level.
Critics of trade agreements have marshaled countless anecdotes about the adverse effects of imports on wages and employment in affected communities.
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