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Demand in sentence

6331 examples of Demand in a sentence

These trends suggest that China will be a major source of both energy demand and cutting-edge technology, implying that it will have a unique opportunity to provide global leadership.
And Chinese producers, like most others, are feeling increasing pressure to reduce costs and improve efficiency to make up for slower demand growth worldwide.
According to MGI, by 2035, changes in the supply and demand for major commodities could result in total cost savings of $900 billion to $1.6 trillion worldwide.
According to this view, the principal problem faced by central banks will not be restraining demand as it shoots above potential, but boosting demand as it lags behind potential.
But on the demand side, gains in the stock market of the past 2 years keep pushing up spending and hence growth.
The bottom line is that the commodity in greatest demand by people all over the world is good government, which provides the best means of improving living standards, especially for those at the bottom.
It is the one policy that will always stimulate nominal demand, even when other policies – such as debt-financed fiscal deficits or negative interest rates – are ineffective.
And its impact on nominal demand can in principle be calibrated: A small amount will produce a potentially useful stimulus to either output or the price level, whereas a very large amount will produce excessive inflation.
After all, other policies to support demand growth, or a failure to implement any policy, can be equally dangerous.
LONDON – As 2015 begins, the reality of deficient global demand and deflationary risks in the world’s major economies is starkly apparent.
If nominal demand grows faster than real potential growth, inflation is inevitable; and nominal demand growth can be constrained only through a mix of fiscal and monetary policy.
Indeed, inflation was finally crushed in the early 1980s, when central banks raised interest rates to whatever level was required to constrain nominal demand, even if it led to high transitional unemployment.
The result in many countries has been stagnant real wages, increased inequality, and a potential structural bias toward deficient nominal demand.
Given that wealthy people have a higher propensity to save, increased inequality tends to produce sluggish demand growth – unless, that is, the savings of the wealthy are lent to the poor.
But, though structural factors and debt overhangs underpin today’s inadequate demand, a purely macroeconomic response might still solve the problem.
Just as determined monetary restraint 30 years ago ultimately overwhelmed cost-push pressures, an equally determined policy in the other direction could, in theory, boost nominal demand growth today.
After all, though this approach would eventually stimulate demand, it would do so by driving up asset prices – thereby exacerbating wealth inequality – and by re-stimulating the private-credit growth that fueled the financial crisis.
But policymakers always have another option for creating nominal demand: printing money to finance their fiscal deficits.
The permanent availability of this approach – what Friedman called “helicopter” money – makes deficient nominal demand one of the very few economic problems for which there is always an answer.
The trend is reinforced as elections become more expensive in both countries, leaving politicians increasingly dependent on contributions from wealthy donors who demand policies that are favorable to their interests.
Higher interest rates also raise the cost of borrowing to buy these assets, which may diminish demand for them, exerting downward pressure on their prices.
Lower European demand and an oil price that no longer suffices to sustain Russia’s budget stand to hobble the Kremlin very quickly.
Europe has a general macroeconomic problem, owing to demand factors that interact with a rigid labor market, rather than a specific youth-unemployment problem.
As China grows, its increasing size, wealth, and urbanization will continue to stoke demand for energy, grains, minerals, and other resources.
As more of China’s population converges to Western standards of consumption, demand for commodities – and thus their prices – will remain on an upward trajectory.
All else being equal, unless China’s commodity intensity, defined as the amount of a commodity consumed to generate a unit of output, falls dramatically, its demand for commodities will be greater this year than it was last year.
As long as China’s commodity demand grows at a higher rate than global supply, prices will rise.
As the composition of China’s economy continues to shift from investment to consumption, demand for commodity-intensive consumer durables – cars, mobile phones, indoor plumbing, computers, and televisions – will rise.
The reserve price places a cap on how high commodity prices will go, as it is the price at which demand destruction occurs (consumers are no longer willing or able to purchase the good or service).
One explanation for the difference is accelerating wage growth across developing regions, which is raising commodity demand, whereas stagnating wages in developed markets are causing the reserve price to decline.
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