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Demand in sentence

6331 examples of Demand in a sentence

By implication, if nothing else, global energy, food, and mineral prices will continue to be buoyed by seemingly insatiable emerging-market demand, which commands much higher reserve prices.
Ultimately, emerging economies’ absolute size and rate of growth both matter in charting commodity demand and the future trajectory of global commodity prices, with per capita income clearly linked to consumers’ wealth.
The economic fundamentals of supply and demand remain the key factors in driving the direction of commodity prices and determining whether the commodity super-cycle will persist.
Equally important, local activists in many of these countries are starting to use EITI as an opening to demand greater public accountability for government spending.
One simple way to do that would be to demand that all presidential candidates, beginning in 2020, take an oath to be truthful, responsible, and transparent in their campaign rhetoric and conduct.
Climate change, infectious diseases, terrorism, and other ills that can easily cross borders demand a similar global response.
Lenders (the bankers) are suspicious, worried about creditworthiness, and demand high risk premia.
As America’s terms of trade (the ratio of export prices to import prices) deteriorate, demand is shifted toward US goods, keeping the economy at full employment.
The Moral Economy of DebtLONDON – Every economic collapse brings a demand for debt forgiveness.
Creditors demand their pound of flesh; debtors clamor for relief.
Rather, we need to limit the supply of and demand for credit to what the economy is capable of producing.
But they also knew that these institutions would work effectively only if there was political demand for them – and that this could come only from private owners, a critical mass of which thus had to be created as soon as possible.
Moreover, expansion of state companies drastically reduced demand for market institutions, eliminating corruption, and improving the business climate.
Now, it seems, sufficient prosperity has arrived, calling forth a middle class solid enough to demand government accountability, the rule of law, and a genuine fight against corruption.
But they remain committed to pursuing their inflation targets, convinced that even a slight bout of deflation could initiate a downward spiral, with falling demand causing prices to decline further.
If real interest rates were significantly positive, demand could plummet, pushing down prices to the point that it becomes impossible for borrowers to service their debts.
Given that financing conditions are so favorable, it is not surprising that domestic demand has remained robust, allowing unemployment to return to pre-crisis lows almost everywhere.
Developed-economy central banks should overcome their irrational fear of a deflationary spiral, and stop trying desperately to stimulate demand.
And, indeed, as that stimulus wanes, the impact of inadequate advanced-country demand on Chinese growth is becoming increasingly apparent.
And that leverage – much of it the result of monetary expansion in most of the world’s advanced economies – is not even serving the goal of boosting long-term aggregate demand.
After all, accommodative monetary policies can, at best, merely buy time for more durable sources of demand to emerge.
Public-sector investment is now below the level needed to sustain robust growth, owing to its insufficient contribution to aggregate demand and productivity gains.
Clearly, deficient aggregate demand has played a role by reducing the incentive to expand capacity.
This has resulted in stagnating median incomes and rising income inequality, both of which constrain the private-consumption component of aggregate demand.
Even the one factor that has effectively increased disposable incomes and augmented demand – sharply declining commodity prices, particularly for fossil fuels – is ultimately problematic.
Given such large demand shortfalls and output gaps, it should surprise no one that even exceptionally generous monetary conditions have proved insufficient to bolster inflation.
But this is not an effective strategy for capturing a larger share of tradable global demand if everyone is doing it.
And targeting exchange-rate competitiveness doesn’t address the aggregate demand problem.
In the non-tradable sector (60-70% of the economy in advanced countries), the main growth inhibitors are weak demand, as in the United States following the financial crisis, and structural and competitive impediments to productivity, as in Japan.
At the global level, there can also be a shortage of aggregate demand on the tradable side.
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