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Danger in sentence

2182 examples of Danger in a sentence

First, if we do not mitigate emissions of GHGs, the negative effects of climate change will be difficult to reverse, implying great hardship and possibly danger to mankind and other species.
To the nuclear danger must be added Islamist extremism and the terrorism that sometimes results from it, as well as ideological militias like the Taliban and Hezbollah.
But the danger is that the stakes are being raised so high that the smallest misstep could escalate into a conflict of unforeseeable dimensions.
The danger comes when no new framework emerges to help guide our behavior – and, more important, the behavior of our leaders – to ensure that it adheres to some shared values or reasonable expectations.
People have survived because their ancestors got their facts right, like the shorebird that flocks at the hint of danger.
For the serious argument against monetary finance lies not in the technicalities of future implicit taxes, but in the danger that if we break the taboo and treat monetary finance as an acceptable option, politicians will be tempted to draw again and again from the well of monetary finance.
There is a danger that scientific establishments may degenerate into fiefdoms controlled by scientific mandarins who dominate major state-funded university departments and laboratories.
Apart from this, the US is now operating at the level of diplomacy to resolve, or at least contain, a fundamental strategic threat – the danger posed by the Iranian nuclear program.
An even greater danger is that the key players in this conflict seek to arm themselves with nuclear weapons.
This danger does not loom only in the future; it already played an important role in the 2016 US presidential election.
From now on, the danger of a military comeback will no longer be present to act as a deterrent.
But as digital systems become more pervasive, there is a danger that inequality will deepen unless local governments recognize that tech-driven solutions are as important to the poor as they are to the affluent.
Or are the losses so large –and in danger of mounting further as others (such as commercial real estate) are added – that a gradual workout is unlikely, if not impossible?
I am speaking of callous nationalism and hatred amongst different communities living on this planet; organized crime possessing hitherto unseen technological means; international terrorism; the spreading drug trade; the dehumanizing effects of the fast growth of urban agglomerations; the danger that our civilization will lose control over the nuclear weapons or information systems that it has invented and over the environmental consequences of its own development; widening social differences combined with a rapid population growth and with our inability to regulate the various sophisticated forms of the globalized market economy in order that its products help to genuinely cultivate human life instead of confine it.
This danger would be attenuated if pre-qualification was not a yes-or-no decision: if there were a range of facilities for which countries could be pre-qualified, they could be moved between them as circumstances changed.
But it is not clear that this would be enough to remove the danger that an IMF decision, taken in response to deteriorating country policies, could precipitate a crisis.
The danger is that overpriced assets and high-risk loans could lose value and cause an economic downturn.
But, historically, Europe has succeeded when, at moments of danger, it has initiated irreversible processes that outweigh any other consideration.
We now live in a similar moment of uncertainty and danger, and this time, too, there is a project, both economic and political, that can unite the Union: energy independence, a key factor in national sovereignty.
Turkish policymakers would be well advised to seize this opportunity to consolidate the country’s effectiveness as a regional actor, one that is uniquely positioned to stem the danger of a widening – and potentially extremely dangerous – rift.
That the advocates of unconditional privatization are now crying out for state support would be cause for cynical laughter if the danger were not as big as it is.
When we cannot be sure how to improve the world, prudence becomes an important virtue, and hubristic visions can pose a grave danger.
This danger is heightened as policymakers in 22 developing countries consider health-care reforms and those in 47 developing countries discuss pension reforms.
History suggests that international disputes over debt and transfers are a serious danger.
In these days of froth, the persistence of extraordinary policy accommodation in a financial system flooded with liquidity poses a great danger.
India should seek to play the role of honest broker to defuse the threat of military hostilities, which would most likely shut down the world’s most important oil-export route, the Strait of Hormuz (a danger that Iran has said is also implicit in an oil-export embargo against it).
But we must not confuse “necessary” with “sufficient”; there is a danger that an exclusive focus on institutions that are too big to fail could divert us from more fundamental issues.
There is therefore a danger that excessive focus on “too big to fail” could become a new form of the belief that if only we could identify and correct some crucial market failure, we would, at last, achieve a stable and self-equilibrating system.
The danger is that 70 years was just long enough for Europeans to begin to forget why they pursued integration in the first place.
Eventually the various national authorities will have to protect each other, but it is only a common danger that will force them to do so.
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