Currencies in sentence

1239 examples of Currencies in a sentence

For at least a decade, Congress has been focusing on currency manipulation – a charge leveled at countries that purportedly intervene in foreign-exchange markets in order to suppress their currencies’ value, thereby subsidizing exports.

Little did the world know then, economies would collapse, currencies would become worthless, elections would be stolen, regimes would fall.

With hard currencies scarce and inferior goods to sell, many of ECO’s members may have to look regionally rather than internationally.

Before the euro’s arrival on the international financial scene in 1999, the only examples of countries with common currencies were neo-colonial francophone Africa and nineteenth-century precedents like the Latin American and Scandinavian monetary unions.

When it comes to exchange rates, the members of Africa’s economic groupings would be better off linking their currencies in regional monetary systems to prevent large fluctuations relative to one another.

Instead of a world deadlocked over currencies and trade and retreating into the illusory shelter of protectionism, we could see $3 trillion of growth converted into 25 million to 30 million new jobs, and 40 million or more people freed from poverty.

The extra-territorial use of regulatory and tax powers – particularly by the US, which has the added advantage of issuing the world’s preeminent reserve currency – is reinforcing the view that currencies can be wielded as weapons.

Some financial activity has already been driven into the shadows, reflected in the use of Bitcoin and other currencies that are beyond the reach of US regulators.

An unwillingness to lend and expensive loans in foreign currencies are a real burden to eastern balance sheets.

That move, an important step in the internationalization process, was a prerequisite for the addition of the renminbi to the basket of currencies that determine the value of the International Monetary Fund’s reserve asset, the Special Drawing Right.

The subsequent attempt by China’s State Administration of Foreign Exchange to stabilize expectations by declaring that the renminbi would be valued against an undisclosed basket of currencies, instead of just the US dollar, failed to convince them.

In many of the transition countries, inflation was brought down from majestic heights - 251% in Poland in 1989 - and all now have fully convertible currencies.

These governments are not only appropriating resources from domestic households and businesses, subtracting from their consumption and investment; given that major developed countries issue international-reserve currencies, they are also collecting seigniorage from developing countries’ growing foreign-exchange reserves.

While the privilege of issuing international-reserve currencies allows developed countries to accrue international seigniorage, it does not mean that they should use the revenue in whatever ways they wish.

With the world facing substantial economic, social, and environmental challenges, the issuers of major reserve currencies should allocate the international seigniorage that they levy to finance sustainable development worldwide.

Entering the eurozone could drive up the candidates' external debt-service costs--thus adding to the fiscal burden--if the euro remains weaker in dollar terms than their national currencies.

So far, these costs have been tamed by high domestic interest rates, keeping Central Europe's currencies strong.

The second historical rule of thumb is that currencies on the decline tend to overshoot: near the bottom, international currency speculators require a substantial risk premium out of the fear that the currency crash might trigger something even worse.

Thus, the major currencies could be only partly backed by gold reserves.

Central Banks around the world promised that their respective domestic currencies (British pounds, U.S. dollars, French Francs, etc.) could be converted into gold at a fixed exchange rate, even though they did not have enough gold to guarantee the commitment fully.

But the emergence of powerful new currencies always provokes fresh attempts at the use of exchange rates for political purposes.

For twenty years after WWII, there were just two major international currencies, as there had been through the interwar period: the British pound and the American dollar.

Instead, two new major currencies emerged, as the strength of the Japanese and (West) German economies produced big trade surpluses.

The US government under President Richard Nixon pressed the Germans and Japanese to revalue their currencies.

But the end of the fixed exchange-rate regime for industrial countries did not end activist management of currencies.

Today, the US dollar is also looking at a challenge from two new or newly important currencies, China's Renmimbi and the Euro.

Five reforms were particularly effective: more flexible exchange rates, larger foreign-currency holdings, less pro-cyclical fiscal policy, stronger current accounts, and less debt denominated in dollars or other foreign currencies.

A less visible threat is the denomination of debt in dollars and other foreign currencies.

This resulted in a “currency mismatch” between dollar liabilities and revenues that were often denominated in local currencies.

When international investors came knocking again in 2003, many emerging markets declined to borrow in dollars or other foreign currencies.

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