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Currencies in sentence

1239 examples of Currencies in a sentence

They can be used only by converting them into one of four currencies, at which point they begin to carry interest at those currencies’ combined treasury-bill rate.
Some speculative assets, such as cyber currencies, have already reached this point, and shares in even the best public companies are bound to experience temporary setbacks if they run up too fast.
Because SDRs are denominated in several national currencies, no single currency would enjoy an unfair advantage.
The range of currencies included in the SDRs would have to be widened, and some of the newly added currencies, including the renminbi, may not be fully convertible.
There are no easy choices: defending the currency by hiking interest rates would kill growth and harm banks and corporate firms; loosening monetary policy to boost growth might push their currencies into free-fall, causing a spike in inflation and jeopardizing their ability to attract capital to finance their external deficits.
The argument for the latter is simple: with national currencies eliminated and everything priced in Euros, how can similar cars or loaves of bread have different prices on either side of a border?
The Fed blames (rightly) foreign central banks that are keeping interest rates too low to prevent their currencies from appreciating against the dollar; but the Fed cannot set policy assuming others respond with a theoretical ideal.
“Behavioral economists,” by contrast, acknowledge that currencies can depart from parity for a long period.
Given massive trading volumes, direct intervention can alter supply and demand for currencies only on the margin.
Claims on entities within partner countries would be redenominated in weaker currencies – or the borrowers would default on them.
But what about currencies?
In some cases, currencies move in the same direction as monetary policy – for example, when the yen dropped in response to the Bank of Japan’s 2013 quantitative easing.
Moreover, power resources, such as the cost of imported oil or an advanced fighter aircraft engine, are better judged according to the exchange rates of the currencies that must be used to pay for them.
Un-wedging America without a crisis – attaining the economists’ grail of a “soft landing” – requires that a great many people and institutions with enormous holdings of dollar-denominated assets passively stand by and take no action while those dollar-denominated assets lose a third or more of their value against other currencies.
The G-20 promised to triple the Fund’s lending capacity (from $250 billion to $750 billion), issue $250 billion of new Special Drawing Rights (a reserve asset made up of a basket of major currencies), and permit the Fund to borrow in capital markets (which it has never done) if necessary.
America and Europe are not only following divergent economic policies, but their currencies are also diverging because the world is going through a major exchange-rate realignment.
Eleven European countries chose to give up their national currencies (or, more technically, the nominal exchange rate).
More important, given that some regions now face interest-rate spreads that are the functional equivalent of having their own currencies (without a central bank), some eurozone members might at some point wonder why they should not formalize what is de facto a reality.
As a result, interventions in foreign-exchange markets have been lasting and widespread, even in countries like Chile and Mexico, which explicitly vowed to let their currencies float freely.
With the notable exception of the Fed, central banks fear the impact of an appreciating currency on domestic companies' competitiveness too much not to intervene; indeed, an increasing number of them are working actively to weaken their currencies.
Of course, not all currencies can depreciate against one another at the same time.
It is clear from the last three decades of floating currencies that market-determined exchange rates tend to swing widely and persistently from parity levels that would make comparable goods sell at comparable prices in different countries.
In contrast, “behavioral economists” acknowledge that currencies can depart from parity for a protracted period, but argue that this results not from traders’ attempts to interpret movements in macroeconomic fundamentals, but from market psychology and irrational trading.
This price advantage is often due to exchange rates in places like China and Japan, whose currencies are undervalued by between 25% and 40%, which often offsets US efficiency advantages.
Unification of onshore and offshore markets is more important than a floating exchange rate in determining whether the International Monetary Fund will include the renminbi in the basket of currencies used to determine the value of its reserve asset, the Special Drawing Right.
And, while the Chinese yuan has remained more or less unchanged relative to the US dollar in the past year, the dollar’s sharp appreciation relative to the euro and other currencies caused the overall trade-weighted value of the yuan to rise.
Other Asian countries should let their currencies weaken, too.
All currencies fell against the dollar and the yen.
On the contrary, globalization – the immense flow across borders of people, ideas, greenhouse gases, goods, services, currencies, commodities, television and radio signals, drugs, weapons, emails, viruses (computer and biological), and a good deal else – is a defining reality of our time.
The currencies of the reform laggards would have depreciated against that of Germany, and there might have been a supportive cut in interest rates as well.
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