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Argument in sentence

1858 examples of Argument in a sentence

The conventional argument asserts that wary CEOs have come to see long-term risks as “just not worth it.”
The risk is that Lin’s warning will be interpreted as an argument for sticking with an investment-led model, which would imply more low-return public-sector projects and excess capacity in selected industries.
In any case, the argument is moot, because the ECB’s mandate rules out any rate increase that could conflict with price stability.
But this is a pernicious argument.
Hatton confronts a popular argument against admitting refugees: that asylum-seekers are not really desperate, but are just using a crisis as a pretext for admission to a richer country.
Tumen’s paper, too, takes on an argument frequently used to oppose admitting refugees: that the newcomers will take locals’ jobs and drive down wages.
Initially, the most appealing argument for his plan was that it would provide greater security to creditors, and thus reduce interest rates, from the 6% at which the states financed their debt to 4%.
Europeans today have latched onto the practical side of Hamilton’s argument – that is, the idea that debt mutualization might be a means to cheaper credit; but they have worked out neither the political institutions, nor the shared public virtue, that Hamilton deemed crucial.
While the argument is not overwhelming, it should not be dismissed out of hand.
That was precisely the argument behind the US Senate’s recent overwhelming approval of a “currency bill” that took dead aim on China.
But Carnegie’s argument never became received doctrine even in America, because most people reject the view that rich business people are smarter and morally superior.
One particularly convincing argument is that, given today’s technologies, it may not actually bring much in the way of energy savings.
But that rule succumbed rather quickly to violent money-demand shocks, though Friedman’s general argument – that a credible commitment to low inflation requires favoring rules over discretion – remains very influential.
The “realist” dimension of Rudd’s argument recognizes that certain areas of disagreement – including Taiwan, territorial disputes in the South and East China Seas, US alliances in Asia, Chinese military modernization, and the legitimacy of China’s political system – will remain intractable for the foreseeable future.
But, given his credentials – he is a formidable Chinese linguist and creative policy thinker, with long and close personal relationships with key figures in both the US and China – his argument must be taken seriously.
I think that part of the reason must be that the problem was poorly understood then, so that contingent capital could not be well articulated and lacked the force of argument that would allow it to be impressed upon government policy makers.
One argument that economists use is that higher prices are due to the weak dollar.
A second argument is that higher oil prices are due to lower interest rates and anticipations of higher long-term prices.
A third argument is that if speculation were to blame for price increases, there should have been an increase in oil inventories, because speculators do not consume oil but instead store it for later sale.
Nor have there been any reports of unusual production cutbacks – the linchpin of the second argument.
Finally, the storage argument fails to recognize different types of inventory.
A similar argument can be made for expenditures aimed at improving education, for example to improve Europe’s underfunded universities.
But the most compelling argument for sustaining and increasing spending on development aid is to focus on the best investments first.
The liberal argument is both simple and simplistic: the state is dangerous precisely because it is a monopolist.
One day Russia will be stronger, and if expanding NATO to Central Europe now would discourage revival of an imperial foreign policy then, this would be a strong argument in favor of doing so.
But there are peculiarities to the European situation that make the democratic delegation argument more suspect.
There was a good economic argument for the ECB to have lifted its inflation target following the euro crisis to facilitate competitiveness adjustments in Southern Europe.
As Paul Tucker, a former deputy governor of the Bank of England, discusses in his masterful recent book Unelected Power: The Quest for Legitimacy in Central Banking and the Administrative State, the argument for democratic delegation is a subtle one.
The area’s volatile situation provides Pakistan’s government an additional argument to insist that all refugees be repatriated – because, given their complicated tribal loyalties, they may constitute a domestic security threat.
The final argument against basic income is that the poor will use the money to fund personally or socially detrimental activities, such as gambling and alcohol consumption.
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