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Argument in sentence

1858 examples of Argument in a sentence

In a related argument, Barry Eichengreen, the Berkeley economic historian, suggests that US monetary policy is now effectively “Made in China,” because China’s efforts to stabilize the renminbi have already tightened US monetary conditions by the equivalent of the quarter-point rate hike expected on December 16.
Euro skeptics always make this argument.
To be clear, this is not an argument for Germany’s dreaded “transfer union” – ongoing transfers to countries like Greece.
It is an argument for temporary transfers to countries like Spain, which balanced its budgets prior to the crisis but then was hit by the housing slump and recession.
It is an argument for fiscal insurance running in both directions.
If the Arabs believe their own argument that Zionism is colonialism, with themselves as the victims, then, whether or not anybody else accepts this view, the lessons that the Arabs glean from colonial experiences become relevant to prospects for peace between Arabs and Israelis.
Women are increasingly making the argument that they have been deliberately excluded from a full role in society not because Islam prescribes it, but because Islam was revealed in a deeply patriarchal social context.
But the strongest argument is a moral one.
The best argument for free capital mobility remains the one made nearly two decades ago by Stanley Fischer, then the International Monetary Fund's number two official and now Vice Chair of the US Federal Reserve.
Fischer made this argument at a time when the IMF was actively seeking to enshrine capital-account liberalization in its charter.
But the argument that Fed balance-sheet expansion will translate into high inflation has been colossally wrong for the past six years.
In fact, there is an increasingly compelling argument that a forward-looking Fed is actually “behind the curve,” because its policy rate currently is only just equal to the backward-looking core inflation rate.
But this argument neglects an important point.
The first argument in favor of central-bank independence is that, without it, politicians can exploit expansionary monetary policy’s positive short-run effects at election time, without regard for its long-run inflationary consequences.
But this argument becomes irrelevant when ensuring price stability is no longer monetary policymakers’ sole task.
The second argument for institutional independence is that central banks have a clear comparative advantage in dealing with monetary issues, and can therefore be trusted to pursue their targets independently.
The standard argument is that immigrants enrich the host, while leaving any incompatible characteristics at home.
Putting aside that grotesquely insensitive analogy, it is obvious that this argument provides no reason against suicide for people who do not believe in the existence of a god.
Credit mistakes are made during the boom, not during the crash, so the argument goes.
A better argument for curbing bank size is the excessive influence of big banks on policy.What policymakers should therefore be looking for is regulation that makes the financial system less sensitive to error in markets’ estimation of risk, not more so.
But this argument ignores the typically large gap between what economists devise and what politicians promise, and what public-spending programs actually deliver.
The only other significant channel to transmit QE to the real economy is the wealth effect of an equity-market increase, but there is some circularity in the argument that QE3 will lead to a persistent rise in equity prices.
But those who know Putin say that he brooks no argument; he is the only one setting the limits.
The war-party in Washington is gearing up to use the credibility argument in order to force the President's hand.
Therefore, those wanting to stop the slide into an unnecessary and risky war must make their own argument about credibility.
Citizens no longer accept the argument that this unfortunate outcome reflects the banks’ special economic role.
Given his role in justifying electoral fraud, this argument seems like an effort to buy time to clear the streets of demonstrators, put opposition leaders under severe physical and psychological stress, and isolate Mir Hossein Mousavi, the presumed winner of the real vote.
An analogous argument applies to the development of a more effective EU foreign policy.
This aristocratic tradition of standing above the narrow strains of ethnic nationalism may be the best argument to hang on to royalty a little longer.
The budget deficit will surpass $1 trillion this year, and, with growth already above its potential rate and unemployment well below its natural rate, the cyclical argument for such stimulus is weak.
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