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Argued in sentence

1563 examples of Argued in a sentence

The cleric Hadi Awang – the current president of PAS – argued in 1981 that the UMNO-led coalition should be denounced for “perpetuating the colonial constitution, infidel laws, and pre-Islamic rules.”
Opponents argued that the deal was technically flawed and would not actually prevent Iran from continuing to develop nuclear-weapons capabilities.
Thus, thinkers such as Mencius, Confucius’s leading intellectual heir, argued that humane authorities should punish immoral rulers in other states who tyrannize their people.
Rulers who rely mostly on military or economic might divorced from morality, he argued, cannot achieve long-term success on the international stage.
Marshall argued that leadership is a matter not of rhetoric, but of character.
Money wages will lag behind demand, I argued, only as long as the representative firm is deterred from raising wages by the misperception that wages at other firms are already lower than its own – a disequilibrium that cannot last.
Trump’s senior economic-policy advisers, Peter Navarro and Wilbur Ross (Trump's pick for commerce secretary), argued in a position paper in September that these estimates are flawed, because they don’t take into account “growth-inducing windfalls” from regulatory and energy reforms, or the added bonanza that should arise from a sharp narrowing of America’s trade deficit.
As Narayana Kocherlakota, former President of the Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis, recently argued, Fed officials seem be balancing their stated aim of keeping inflation near 2% over the long term with a host of other, inexplicit, considerations.
But I argued that this was irrelevant: making up the states' shortfall would cost the government nothing if the optimists turned out to be right, but it would be just the right medicine if pessimists like me were correct.
US Democrats argued that if America faced an economic downturn, the government needed the flexibility to run a deficit.
The Manufacturing FallacyNEW YORK – Economists long ago put to rest the error that Adam Smith made when he argued that manufacturing should be given primacy in a country’s economy.
I have argued, on the other hand, that you could produce semiconductor chips, trade them for potato chips, and then munch them while watching TV and becoming a moron.
Cohen and Zysman argued that manufactures were related to services like “the crop duster to the cotton fields, the ketchup maker to the tomato patch,” and that if you “[o]ffshore the tomato farm…you close or offshore the ketchup plant….No two ways about it.”
For example, during the 1992 US presidential campaign, Ross Perot argued that ratifying the North American Free Trade Agreement would lead to a “giant sucking sound,” as US jobs migrated to Mexico and American workers’ wages fell.
Let Russia Be RussiaTEL AVIV – In his famous “X” article, published in 1947, George F. Kennan argued that the Soviet Union’s hostility toward the United States was virtually inexorable, given that it was rooted not in a classic conflict of interest between great powers, but in a deep-seated nationalism and insecurity.
Some gene-drive proponents have argued that GDOs could be compatible with agro-ecological approaches such as organic farming.
I have argued elsewhere that inflation will likely be part of that resolution, as it is improbable that an aging population will vote to raise its tax burden and reduce its benefits sufficiently to put Japan’s debt trajectory on a sustainable path.
But then along came George W. Bush, who argued that the surplus should be returned to the people.
But no one has so far argued that the cost of damage caused to the development prospects of poor countries and regions is less than the amount of compensation being offered to cover adjustment costs.
Nonetheless, it is argued, whatever the real cost of the damage, developed countries currently cannot afford to provide that kind of money.
But, in another paper presented at our session, Paul Willen of the Federal Reserve Bank of Boston argued that creating such a restriction is hardly the best way for a government to improve the functioning of financial markets.
Imanishi argued that nature is inherently harmonious rather than competitive, with species forming an ecological whole.
But as Armatya Sen argued in his Development as Freedom , had India opened its economy earlier it would have become even more democratic, because it would undoubtedly have been compelled to spend more on education.
He argued that this agenda could cut gasoline consumption significantly in a matter of years rather than decades.
As political scientist Kevin O’Brien has argued, China’s increased readiness to compromise with some domestic protesters, rather than treat all forms of collective action as subversive, can be seen as reflecting a growing sense of security.
A century ago, the Nobel Peace Prize laureate Norman Angell argued in The Great Illusion that economic security enables military expansion, not vice versa.
Taking direct aim at Obama’s proposals, he argued that reform of the global financial system should not be driven by what each country sees fit for itself.
Monetary experts argued that an agreement on currency stabilization would be highly desirable, but that it required a prior agreement on the dismantling of trade barriers – all the high tariffs and quotas that had been introduced in the course of the depression.
Worse, the fudging language invited a “we, too” riposte from Scottish nationalists, who rightly argued that if special arrangements were going to be made for Northern Ireland’s Remain majority, then the Scots, who also voted to remain, should be offered a similar deal.
Finally, as the economists Adam Posen and Arvind Subramanian have argued, “China’s single-minded pursuit of mercantilist objectives produces inflation and overheating at home.”
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