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Argued in sentence

1563 examples of Argued in a sentence

As Robert Zoellick, a former US Trade Representative and World Bank president, has argued, if a rising China contributes to the provision of global public goods, the US should encourage the Chinese to become a “responsible stakeholder.”
And I argued that a strong labor market and rising business profits would be among Abenomics’ enduring legacies, even if Abe’s administration faced political challenges.
From then on, he argued, building a modern society would demand a market economy and a democratic political system.
Some analysts – most prominently Jeffrey Sachs – have argued that the best way forward is to cut the yield on Greek debt to that of German public debt.
As I argued last year, in the second edition of my book Irrational Exuberance , the boom is rooted in speculative investment by ordinary homebuyers, fueled substantially by the worldwide perception that capitalism has triumphed, and that all people must look out for themselves by acquiring property.
For example, an article in The Times of London in 1970 argued that rising home prices reflected the switch to a new British Standard Time (imposed as a three-year experiment in 1968 to facilitate commerce with Western Europe by putting Britain in the same time zone).
Second, news outlets will have to be interactive: they should regularly teach citizens op-ed writing, for example, so that editors can receive a truly diverse set of submissions – well sourced, well written, and well argued – from people from all walks of life.
And I would have argued against cutting security ties and in favor of linking US support to specific Pakistani actions.
If there are no suitable female candidates, it was argued, then the best candidate should prevail, regardless of gender.
Frederick Smith, CEO of Federal Express, has argued that “the primary task of leadership is to communicate the vision and values of an organization.”
America's authorities argued that Cuba's debt had not been incurred for the benefit of the Cuban people, nor with their consent, and that foreign loans helped to finance their oppression.
In Western culture, its study began with Socrates in the fifth century BCE, but it was Aristotle who argued that human nature was characterized by unique attributes – particularly, people’s need to socialize and our ability to reason.
The English philosopher Thomas Hobbes argued that our natural state leads to a life that is “solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short,” which is why we need a strong, centralized political authority (the so-called Leviathan).
But that does not alter my point that the more Paul Krugman talked about the “confidence fairy” – a term he coined after Osborne became Chancellor to ridicule anyone who argued for fiscal restraint – the more business confidence recovered in the UK.
Some scientists have argued that the neutron irradiation in IFMIF won’t be the same as in fusion reactors, but it should be noted that its cost, at one billion euros, will be one-tenth that of ITER.
More recently, NYU social psychologist John Jost has argued that “ideologies and other belief systems grow out of an attempt to satisfy the epistemic, existential, and relational needs of our species.”
As Columbia University’s Mark Lilla has persuasively argued, in complex and diverse democratic societies, political appeals based only on narrow identities – whether linked to class, religion, ethnicity, or, yes, ideology – ultimately are doomed.
Some have argued that EU countries’ defense spending should be excluded from the SGP.
It may be argued that the Europeans should try to close this chasm, by increasing their own defense spending.
But, as Dani Rodrik has argued, that source of easy copycat catch-up has mostly been exhausted.
Fifteen years ago, when I wrote Globalization and its Discontents, I argued that this “shock therapy” approach to economic reform was a dismal failure.
Today, more than a quarter-century since the onset of transition, those earlier results have been confirmed, and those who argued that private property rights, once created, would give rise to broader demands for the rule of law have been proven wrong.
“If somebody absolutely, desperately wants to die because they’re a burden to their family, or the state,” she argued, “then I think they too should be allowed to die.”
It was even argued that theses nations are small markets, could not be a source of capital or technology, and (except for Poland) have always been a means, not an end, in Russian policy.
They argued that by taking care of more than two billion people – and taking care of them well – both China and India were already making a major contribution to global stability and order.
In fact, it was largely a necessary concession to Germany’s Constitutional Court, which had argued that the bailout measures lacked a proper legal basis.
Its editors argued that while the decision to publicize secret material is always difficult, these documents were of “significant public interest” and “illuminate the extraordinary difficulty of what the United States and its allies have undertaken in a way that other accounts have not.”
Many people have long argued that democratization in the Middle East will not get far until Egypt becomes fully engaged in the process.
Instead, I argued that whales are social mammals with big brains, capable of enjoying life and of feeling pain – and not only physical pain, but very likely also distress at the loss of one of their group.
As Tom Friedman has argued, three groups coexist in Mexico today: “The Narcos, the No’s, and the NAFTA’s.”
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