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Argue in sentence

2151 examples of Argue in a sentence

Many people in the US South argue that Confederate monuments should be protected as mere reminders of the past, as part of a common “heritage.”
To argue that peacemaking can’t be successful when governments and regimes are in flux ignores the fact that it is precisely in such circumstances that outsiders can help shape the process.
Some argue that free trade is being demonized simply because people do not understand what is in their own best interest.
Political systems in many emerging countries, they argue, become unstable because their composition is insufficiently representative and their policy preferences are excessively narrow.
Some argue that furnishing members with rapid and front-loaded liquidity insurance would encourage irresponsible policies or reckless borrowing.
The idea that it is rational for a company to incur enormous losses by selling below cost in order to achieve or maintain a monopoly position has been roundly criticized by economists who argue that situations in which such losses can be recouped by subsequent monopoly profits are extremely rare.
Many argue that we must abandon our “obsession” with Gross Domestic Product and develop a new “green” accounting standard to replace it.
Some influential supporters argue plug-in hybrids, battery-powered vehicles, and biodiesel cars are closer to market, and that they are better, less costly technologies than hydrogen and fuel cell cars.
Looking at the capital flow reversal into the US, I cannot argue that the second era has been an unqualified success either.
Instead, they have pursued a cooperative approach to reform of the international monetary system, which they argue should not be dependent on any one currency.
Some argue that ERM II membership should be viewed as a longer-term proposition - possibly lasting until 2010 - for the benefit of candidates themselves.
It is nonsense to argue that central banks are impotent and completely unable to raise inflation expectations, no matter how hard they try.
Both sides deeply mistrusted the other, even though the government’s five-point “road map” for a peaceful resolution implicitly acknowledged the existence of serious socioeconomic problems and included an early general election this November – a concession to the protestors, who argue that the government lacks legitimacy because it was never elected.
Some people argue that the US could enhance security in northeast Asia by compromising with the North Koreans – specifically, by promising not to attack or attempt to topple the Kim regime.
In our new book, Going Beyond Aid: Development Cooperation for Structural Transformation, we argue that official development aid (ODA) need not always be concessional, and make the case for going “beyond aid,” toward a broader approach – like that taken by China – that includes trade and investment.
According to that standard, one could argue that a good part of Europe also “lost” the last decade, since Germany achieved about the same growth rates as Japan (0.6%) and Italy did even worse (0.2 %); only France and Spain performed somewhat better.
We can argue about the value of education, but large companies are good at offering practical business skills – turning college graduates into project managers, marketers, human-resources specialists, and the like.
Advocates of EMU argue that adoption of a single currency will have many positive effects, both at the micro and the macro level.
It is more than odd to argue that the rest of the world has to cope with a built-in advantage for China’s exporters because its authoritarian political system cannot cope with any change.
Since it does not include equations or statistical tables, they would argue, it is not serious work that is worthy of scholarly attention.
Yet the Fed, its governors argue, cannot be expected to do that on a regular basis.
Action to address climate change, participants argue, is being pursued at the expense of those least able to bear the cost.
Since the global financial crisis, London has become less able to argue that it is special and must be left alone.
Harvard Business School Professors Katherine Gehl and Michael Porter argue that America’s two-party system “has become the major barrier to solving nearly every important challenge” facing the country.
Its University of Chicago-trained economists argue that attracting private investment into primary lithium production is all that matters, and that fostering local industries that rely on lithium as an input is not a public-policy goal.
Officials also argue that Nigeria's large population relative to other OPEC members, and the urgent need to earn foreign exchange to invest in infrastructure and social services, necessitates preferential treatment.
It is fairly clear that Vladimir Putin will be re-elected to the presidency in March; the votes will be counted properly, even though some may argue that the slate of candidates is unduly restricted.
They argue that politicians can regulate and supervise without intermediate bodies that have some degree of autonomy.
South Korean liberals argue that this policy compromised the national goal of peaceful reunification, by turning it into an empty slogan.
Some economists argue that there is little power in relationships where buyers and sellers consent to a price that clears a market.
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