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Wrongdoing in sentence

72 examples of Wrongdoing in a sentence

If anyone knows that actions speak louder than words, it is Putin, whose words often include transparent denials of documented wrongdoing, from meddling in the US election to violating treaties.
Unsurprisingly, the Saudis have denied any wrongdoing.
Chinese officials denied all wrongdoing until President Barack Obama and President Xi Jinping met in California in June 2013.
Meanwhile, a commission that the government charged with investigating the state-condoned massacres of Muslim citizens in Gujarat in 2002 produced only a whitewash, absolving the perpetrators of any wrongdoing – and fueling a further rise in homegrown terrorism by deeply disaffected Indian Muslims.
But distancing themselves from the perception of wrongdoing will be essential to his cabinet colleagues’ ability to realize their own long-term political aspirations, especially if calls for resignation grow louder.
Truth commissions provide official acknowledgment of official wrongdoing, which can mean a lot to victims and their survivors.
The threshold for exposure is no longer wrongdoing of the scale that coined the term “Watergate” and all the subsequent “-gates.”
Another important tool in the fight against corruption will be technological innovation, which can reduce opportunities for wrongdoing, empower citizens to highlight illegal practices, and enhance government transparency and accountability.
Australia has a voluntary Banking and Finance Oath, which obliges those taking it (more than 300 people have so far) to, among other things, speak out against wrongdoing and encourage others to do the same.
US Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld warns that more documentary evidence of wrongdoing at Abu Ghraib prison lies in store, evidently in the preemptive hope that the outrages stopped there.
It is a necessary protection against abuses of power and cover-ups of wrongdoing by public officials.
Serious wrongdoing, involving bribery and institutional corruption, no doubt occurred along the way; but the scale of such offenses could hardly justify last year's military coup and the subsequent repression.
Too often in politically connected cases, suspicions and charges of wrongdoing are not pursued to an unambiguous conclusion.
Bensoussan was cleared of any criminal wrongdoing in March 2017, but the entire episode was reminiscent of the 2007 prosecution of Charlie Hebdo cartoonists for their depiction of the Prophet Muhammad.
That is the oldest excuse to justify wrongdoing: the end justifies the means.
Both Zardari and Sharif were charged with corruption by the National Accountability Bureau, an organization with judicial powers established by General Pervez Musharraf, the country’s fourth military president, to investigate high-level wrongdoing.
Hasan Abd al-Rahman, head of the notorious, Stasi-like State Security Investigations (SSI);Ahmad Ramzi, head of the Central Security Forces (CSF);Adly Fayyid, the head of Public Security;Ismail al-Shaer, who led the Cairo Security Directorate (CSD);Osama Youssef, the head of the Giza Security Directorate; and Omar Faramawy, who oversaw of the 6th of October Security Directorate, were all cleared of any wrongdoing.
But the tax-paying public – innocent of any wrongdoing – has also had to bear costs, both direct and indirect.
Whatever the perpetrators’ underlying motives, there is no denying the moral and legal wrongdoing that occurred.
It criminalizes blaming Poles for any wrongdoing against other nations.
Any opposition to his orders, such as court rulings against his partial ban on Muslims entering the country, or exposés of potential wrongdoing, such as his former national security adviser’s secret conversations with the Russian ambassador, is met with quick condemnation.
The sense of social injustice – that the economic game is rigged – is enhanced as they see the bankers who brought on the financial crisis, the cause of the economy’s continuing malaise, walk away with mega-bonuses, with almost no one being held accountable for their wrongdoing.
The ability to correct wrongdoing can never justify doing wrong in the first place.
Though the Supreme Court cleared him of all personal wrongdoing, the tragedy’s legacy persists, making it difficult for Modi to win Muslim votes without alienating his Hindu nationalist base.
Chinese critics of the government, or even those who simply wish to report mistakes or wrongdoing, are silenced with a heavy hand: beatings in police stations, draconian jail sentences, or even murder.
Of course, we may speak up, briefly, about “commercial” matters like the expropriation of Yukos, but if the Kremlin puts a price on our values or criticism of Russian wrongdoing – as in, say, bloodstained Chechnya – Europeans seem willing to shut up rather than face the possibility of higher energy prices, or even a blockade like that now facing Ukraine.
The Volkswagen case is a useful reminder that corporate wrongdoing is not confined to the banking industry, and that merely levying fines or ramping up regulation is unlikely to solve the problem.
The good news is that, nowadays, it is harder than ever to keep such large-scale wrongdoing under wraps, not least because of the efforts of committed journalists and brave whistleblowers.
The Anna phenomenon reflects a “perfect storm” of converging factors: widespread disgust with corruption, particularly after two recent high-profile cases of wrongdoing (in allocating telecoms spectrum and awarding contracts for the Commonwealth Games); the organizational skill of a small group of activists committed to transforming India’s governance practices; the mass media’s perennial search for a compelling story; and the availability of a saintly figure to embody the cause.
Instead of blaming “a few bad apples” for wrongdoing, he insisted, institutions should implement controls that prevent “bad apples” from poisoning the organization.
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