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Worry in sentence

1546 examples of Worry in a sentence

Policymakers in China, Brazil, India, and Turkey worry about too much growth, rather than too little.
They worry that Xi is building a cult of personality, much like the one that surrounded Mao Zedong and fueled the Cultural Revolution.
People can thus delegate to a politician certain issues which they - for a variety of reasons - do not sense themselves, or do not want to worry about, but which someone has to take up on their behalf.
Of course, many of those who don’t believe that immigrants take natives’ jobs still worry that newcomers do not contribute enough in taxes.
These political rumbles worry creditor countries, which is reflected in the frequency of warnings from Germany that any new Greek government must adhere to existing agreements.
While it is right to worry about massive deflation, the historical relationship between deflation and recession is not all that strong.
The fact that he would be right at home among many of today’s global leaders – including the leaders of some of the world’s major democracies – should worry us all.
Mexicans, for example, do not just have to worry about whom they elect president; they also need to concern themselves with who wins power in the United States – an outcome over which they have no say.
The Chinese can reasonably worry about that after seeing the dollar fall 10% relative to the euro in the past year – and substantially more against other currencies.
I worry for our world.”
To put it bluntly: the worry is that a mentally deranged president might lead the US into a nuclear war.
Chinese leaders worry that the Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) system will undermine its security and disrupt the regional strategic balance, by monitoring flights and missile launches in Chinese territory.
Like many strategic analysts, they worry whether Germany, in pursuit of purely short-term economic interests, might forsake long-term strategic interests and concerns about human rights, environmental problems, press freedoms, and other political and geopolitical issues.
Thus, it would be natural for the Fed to worry about slowing economic growth in emerging countries (accentuated in countries like Brazil and India by the financial volatility that followed the Fed’s taper talk in May).
But the real worry is not the risk associated with near-term challenges, like Japan’s return to recession in 2014 or the eurozone’s enduring sluggishness; it is the gale-force headwinds that the entire world will face over the next half-century.
The fourth argument is that no major country is currently manipulating its exchange rate (the renminbi has appreciated since the mid-2000s), so there is nothing to worry about.
Some display separatist tendencies that worry, and frustrate, their electorates.
First, fracking’s opponents worry that shale gas will displace renewable energy sources such as wind and solar power.
Second, environmentalists worry about local risks, especially to water supplies.
By this logic, men who worry about their virility should hesitate to try the unfamiliar new technology, Viagra, and instead stick with powdered rhino horn.
Indeed, if the tables were turned, there would be ample cause to worry for the future of the US – a country that I love and have long admired.
When it comes to China, the US does, of course, have legitimate reasons to worry about national-security issues.
What policymakers should really worry about are indications that the US may be losing its competitiveness as a location for this activity.
When a doctor says that a patient is “not yet” dead, family members should start to worry.
The second path is not to worry about production of goods and services, but rather to try to boost employment directly through direct government hiring.
Some observers detect a new “Geo-Green” coalition of conservative foreign-policy hawks, who worry about America’s dependence on Persian Gulf oil, and liberal environmentalists.
There’s good reason to worry, for the experience of the 1930’s suggests that exchange-rate disputes can be even more dangerous than deep slumps in terms of generating protectionist pressures.
One year, they might seek to control inflation, but the previous year they sought to reduce unemployment, and next year they might try to lower the government’s debt refinancing costs, and the year after that they might worry about keeping the exchange rate at whatever value their political masters prefer.
A reassuring foreign-policy mantra for the president-elect would be, “Don’t worry, I’ve got Kissinger behind me.”
Moreover, it may worry about antagonizing countries that are not offered such facilities; and it may fear criticism from Congress for overstepping the bounds of its mandate if its talk and policies acknowledge its global responsibilities.
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