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Worry in sentence

1546 examples of Worry in a sentence

If you worry about getting your money out of a country when times turn tough, China is not an attractive place to hold your reserves.
Are social critics right to worry about the atomized loneliness of big-city life?
They worry that even after undertaking structural reforms to reduce the attractiveness of unemployment benefits and increase the ability of workers to move to jobs and of firms to move to workers, central bankers will continue to insist on tight money.
Now, though, it looks like I may finally be right – or at least right to worry, if not to panic.
All Europeans, including those who are Muslim, are right to worry about the issue of homegrown terrorism.
But it should also worry about meltdown risk – about the danger that its own failure to act, by leading to a deep recession, will undermine political leaders’ ability to take the steps needed to put their economies on a sound footing.
But patients and their families and friends need not worry excessively.
I worry that it could indicate a premature shift away from the consumer-led model back to China’s comfort zone of a producer model that has long been more amenable to the industrial engineering of central planning.
China’s biggest worry now is that the US will pursue military strikes against North Korea — though, as things stand, that remains a remote possibility.
Many worry that non-food prices may rise higher.
Now that rich countries no longer need to worry about losing the developing world to Communism, they have an opportunity to redefine the global economic order according to the same principles on which they built successful national economies: fair competition and social justice.
Investors worry about the longer-term consequences of political dysfunction, another year of European economic contraction, disastrously high unemployment, unprecedented – and thus untested – central bank policies, and increasing global tensions.
China’s west and south, however, have become sources of increasing worry.
Governments are right to worry about the fate of Chernobyl-affected territories, but the way forward will require fresh thinking and bold decisions, particularly a shift in priorities from paying paltry benefits to millions to targeted spending that helps to promote jobs and economic growth.
Similarly, charities are right to worry about the population’s health, but they should focus on promoting healthy lifestyles in affected communities rather than whisking children abroad as if their homes were poisonous.
All parties are right to worry about the affected populations, but, more than any sophisticated diagnostic equipment, what is needed is credible information, presented in a digestible format, to counter Chernobyl’s destructive legacy of fear.
Yellen insists that there is nothing to worry about; the Fed has everything under control, because it can turn to alternative instruments.
The lesson is simple: We should worry less about debt ratios and thresholds, and more about our inability to see these indicators for the artificial – and often irrelevant – constructs that they are.
I do worry that the government is not moving fast enough to grant the country’s millions of migrant workers official residency in the cities where they work and live.
Terrorism aside, wouldn’t they worry if Islam came to have a growing influence on British law and politics?
But if that belief dominated bankers’ thinking, they would still worry about their savings.
The world’s nine nuclear powers claim that there is little to worry about.
They argue that with borrowing costs so low, deficit spending is virtually free, and we need not worry about high debt levels.
Those looking around the next corner also worry about the stability of an international economic order in which the difficulties faced by the system’s Western core are gradually eroding global public goods.
But slowing that pace looks less compelling in light of the new data, which suggest that financial-stability risks should be pushed further down the Fed’s worry list.
Frightened by the attack on Khodorkovsky, Russian businessmen worry that success will bring harrassment from the Kremlin.
Greece and Argentina are, after all, democracies, however imperfect, and so are most of the countries in Latin America or East Asia that worry about being stuck at middle-income level.
Europeans may want a more “normal” America, closer to their own values, but they simultaneously worry that a more modest America would demand more of them in the realm of “hard” military power.
They worry about not only competence, but also the old transatlantic issue of “burden sharing.”
Last spring’s campaign against anyone who dared to worry about the long-run effects of high debt largely ignored the substantial academic literature, just as a remarkably similar recent challenge to Thomas Piketty’s research on inequality took no account of a larger body of evidence.
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