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Workers in sentence

5388 examples of Workers in a sentence

This traditional Republican embrace of trickle-down supply-side economics will mostly favor corporations and wealthy individuals, while doing almost nothing to create jobs or raise blue-collar workers’ incomes.
Third, this undesirable policy mix of excessively loose fiscal policy and tight monetary policy will tighten financial conditions, hurting blue-collar workers’ incomes and employment prospects.
An already protectionist Trump administration will then have to pursue additional protectionist measures to maintain these workers’ support, thereby further hampering economic growth and diminishing corporate profits.
In December 2004, Dokubu’s militias took 75 oil workers hostage and forced Shell to shut down about 10% of the country’s oil supply.
A splinter group, the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta, has claimed credit for several recent attacks and kidnappings of foreign workers, and says it will not retreat until Delta states gain control of the revenue produced by locally extracted oil.
Shell has closed key facilities in the Delta after the abduction of several workers.
Millennium Development MilesPARIS – The global economic crisis has claimed many victims – unemployed workers, underwater homeowners, and bankrupt pensioners – but nowhere have the repercussions been as devastating as in the developing world.
During the same period, the United States will need to add more than 25 million workers to its labor force.
As a result, effective measures to counteract the global talent gap – characterized by a labor shortage in certain sectors, skills mismatches (workers with qualifications that are no longer in high demand), and under-skilling (few or no qualifications) – are needed today.
The benefits would be extraordinary, for both Africa and the rich countries, which would be putting their businesses and skilled workers back to work.
The Real Problem with Free TradeNEW DELHI – For most critics of globalization, trade is the villain, responsible for deepening inequality and rising economic insecurity among workers.
Why, then, does the message resonate far beyond the United States, and even the advanced economies, to include workers in many of the developing countries that are typically portrayed as globalization’s main beneficiaries?
Meanwhile, increasingly intense competition in the production phase drives down prices, so that the actual producers, whether employers or workers, receive diminishing shares of the value pie.
The only significant exception to these trends is China, which has designed industrial policies specifically to increase the share of domestic value-added and to improve workers’ conditions.
Ironically, it is these measures, which have helped offset some of the negative effects of free trade, that Trump has condemned in his pursuit of policies that will do little to protect workers.
Their activities, they proclaim, are aimed not just at maximizing profits for shareholders, but also at creating a better future for their workers, the communities in which they work, and the world more generally.
They see him, correctly, as the minister who stripped full-time French workers of hard-won labor rights and who today is the establishment’s last resort against Le Pen.
We agree that precarious, gig-economy labor is gangrene for social welfare, but we (strongly) disagree about how to extend protection to casual workers without casualizing protected workers.
He has also pledged tax cuts for medium and lower-paid workers, and improvements to America’s education system.
As a result, the “generational contract” looks less and less viable, because we can no longer rely on today’s workers to pay for today’s pensioners.
In this early example of mass production, the process of bronze casting required intricate planning and the coordination of large groups of workers, each performing a separate task in precisely the right order.
So, too, will the provision requiring that 40-45% of a vehicle’s value be produced by workers earning a minimum of $16 per hour by 2023 – a rate that is far above what Mexican autoworkers can expect to make.
And even if US parts producers were to expand production, they would be inclined to automate as much of it as possible, rather than hire more workers.
One source is central banks seeking to keep the value of their home currencies down so that their workers can gain valuable experience from exporting to the rich world.
For now, the Saudi economy relies heavily on low-wage and low-productivity foreign workers on limited contracts; indeed, such workers hold more than half the jobs in the country.
The new consensus is stated succinctly by Nouriel Roubini: the backlash against globalization “can be contained and managed through policies that compensate workers for its collateral damage and costs,” he argues.
Prior to the welfare state, the tension between openness and redistribution was resolved either by large-scale emigration of workers or by re-imposing trade protection, especially in agriculture.
Instead, it pulled together a diverse staff of smart young management consultants, activists living with HIV and AIDS, committed outreach workers with extensive public-health experience, and economists and lawyers who had helped to force the prices of medicines down in drug-company lawsuits.
Governments that had been reticent about extending AIDS drugs to sex workers, gay men, and refugees were suddenly forced to recognize these populations’ right to services.
If, for example, one region or country in a future European currency area is badly affected by, say, a relative fall in the prices of their exports, and workers refuse to either move to where there are jobs, or adjust their salaries (downward) to the new situation, a rise in unemployment is unavoidable.
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